Moore Johnson and Kardos 2000

Moore Johnson, Suan and Susan M Kardos "Reform Bargaining and Its Promise for School Reform"
in

Loveless, Tom. 2000. Conflicting missions. Teachers Unions and Educational Reform The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC.

• reform Bargaining: teachers unions recognizing common interests with schools, working collaboratively with school administrators (8)
• in teh US, there was teh factory model of schooling, which has since been replaced by the professional model of schooling (8-9)
• "Teachers must approach their work as a craft or prfession rather than as routine labor, and schools must be organized to encourage them to do so." (9)
• bureaucracy, union or otherwise, can stifle innovation and make teachres and schools unable to respond to the varied needs of students and communites (11-12)
• but importantly one urban principal once declared that the thick, phone-book size contracts were actually an indictment of past administrations, namely their wilingness to abuse teachers (12)
• industrial bargaining led to better pay and faier, more reasonable work environment, yet they also limited the roels teachers could play, overly supported weak teachers (tenure), etc (17)
• good for dividing resources, bad for facing educational challenges (19)
• negotiators who improved edcuation suggested it was only possible once unions/teachers had already attained bread adn butter items that regulate basic working conditions (25)

never really gets into community, but one could see how industrial bargaining would limit community interaction as well...though reform bargaining may also limit this, if the community isn't specifically invted to be invovled

Senén González and Borroni 2011

• Introduction
• this article questions the extent to qhich context creaqtes social dialogue, versus strategic action of the actors involved, or if it's a combination of these variables (34)
• Strategic Focus
• looking at the role external circumstances play and what actors do to understand how revialization is happening (35)
• the context changed greatly between teh 90s adn the 00s (36), and much of that change was caused by change in politics (37)
• in general, actors respond to these new circumstances in different ways, meaning that external circumstances do not force change, there is some strategic choice involved (37-38)
• what happens is a combination of context, institutions, historical paths, and strategic options available (38)
• some history of social dialogue
• 1994 CGT and employers made an agreement that focused mainly on employment and labor reform, but most of these points were not put into practice (41)
• 1997 there was an attempt to dialogue over flexbilization, but it totally failed
• 2001: social dialogue about how to ameliorate, end the crisis, resulted in Jefes y Jefas de Hogar and other things (42)
• after 2003 the government recuperated its role as a labor regulator, respecting labor institutions, and pushing for social dialogue
•  El Consejo Nacional del Empleo, la Productividad, y el Salario Minimo, vital, y Movil
• the minimujm wage council is the best example of new social dialogue (43)
• it aims to increase formal employment and improve inequality
• includes both the CGT and the CTA
• also, collective bargaining
• (44-47) numbers of colective agreements, same as the Senén Gonzlez, Medwid, Trajtemberg (2011) article
• labor conflict
•  way more strikes after 2003 (47)
• in 1990s and early 00s, labor wasn't strong enough bu saw piqeuteros and other actions as an outgrwoth of labor union weakness/inability to strike
• 2006 strikes = 770, 2010 strikes = 940, growth each year (see data page 48)
• though proportionally most strikes are in public sector, number of people and days lost in private sector grew a lot, while public sector was fairly consistent 2006-2010 (49)
• Conclusion
• suggest that social dialogue is increasing, point to collective bargaining and minimum wage council (50)
• experience in Argentina shows that revitalization doesn't necessarily have to look like what people say in Global North
• actors made the difference in this case, as social dialogue mechanisms existed in teh 1990s, they were just ignored, started to be used when K's decided to use them (51)
• Argentina is still looking for a grand Social Pact, but I think this is just playing games with teh Global North/Germany literature

Senén Gonzlez, Medwid, Trajtemberg 2011

• Introduction
• Bargaining has become more centralized since the decentralization of the 1990s (155)
• describes three levels: local, sector, and national (with government)
• looking at two time periods, 1990-2002 and 2003-2010 (156)
• checking three types of determinants: economic, legal institutions, and political ideologies that help determine where bargaining will happen
• THESIS: 90s dectralized but in 00s became "cnetralizacion intermedia"
• Determinants in the lit
• economic
• opening to global trade (labor cotsts become important) ( 156-157)
•  geographic dispersement of industries plays a role (157)
• structure of employment plays a role (157-158)
• legal institutions (158-159)
• political/ideological (159-160)
• Structure of Collective bargaining
• collective agreements went WAY up after 2002 (161)
• before 2002, average per year was 177, most was 219.
• after 2002 LEAST was 348 and most, in 2010, 2038
• careful when citing this data, words dont' match grafic
• coverage went from 1 mil in 2004 to 4 mil in 2009
• this contrast with 1990s, when high unemployment led to lots of off-the-books workers (161-162)
• coverage in was roughly 84.5% in 2008
• in 1991 negotiations between union adn employer were only 19% of contracts, all the rest were sector-level (163)
• by 1998 this had risen to 80%
• after 2003 a jump to sector-level being about 30% of contracts, hovered there through 2010 (163-164)
• between 2004 and 2008, sector negotiations rose by 291%, but decentralized, enterprise level also rose 236% (164)
• sector-level contracts are important, because they set the minimum wage levels and day length
• Content of Contracts and salary
• in teh 1990s, all contracts tended to focus on felixbilization
• entre 2003 and 2010, bigger deal was pay issues
• almost all included pay increases, but many of these were thanks to increase in legal minimum wage
• also, government stepped in to get employers and unions at the table to try and iron out issues before neogitiations (165)
• data on salary increases (165)
• salaries paid began to match those in sector agreements, meaning local employers had less flexibility in what they paid workers (165)
• this means that workers pay is being determined on a collective basis, not and individual basis (166)
• Legal Institutions
• state has two major interventions:
• personaria gremial: uniosn have the right to bargain (167)
• inscripcion gremial: union exists, can represent its workers, but only its workers, and cannot take precedent over a union with personaria gremial
• approving collective contracts
• these are very strong (168)
• unions
• generally pyramidal and vertical
• have a double game: national level/political and local level through comisiones internas o delegados
•  three levels: local, federation (sector, state), national (CGT)
• 1st two levels do all the bargaining
• CGT at third level is a political entity, doesn't do any direct bargaining for wages
• changes in the 1990s
• all three things changed, laws, economics, and political ideologies (169)
• each of these led to decentralization of bargaining, sometimes down to individual level (168-172)
• but since 2003 all three things have changed to slow the decentralization
• laws
• Néstor increased freedom of unions to strike, though he did keep the government's right to regulate strikes of "servicios esenciales" (173)
• but the new law included that strikers could not be replaced or face retribution from employers
• economic
• debt default and growing economy in the 00s
• ...and all of this came because Kirchner had a new political ideology
• and his drive to create alliances with unions (174)
• conclusions
• in Argentina the law is the major variable in explaining the differences between the 1990s and 2000s, but the other determinants also played a role (174)
• personaria gremial helps prevent fragmentation of the labor movement (175)
• now the government is acting like a coordinador of the disparate demands of workers and employers