Wilson 2007

Wilson, Fiona. (2007). "Transcending race? schoolteachers and political militancy in andean peru, 1970-2000." Journal of Latin American Studies, 39(4), 719-746

• In Latin America the school has been important to nation formation since teh 19th century, it is the space for social reproduction, but also the production of the state (719-720)
• education was the way to achieve citizenship (720)
• great lit review on the importance of the state to social formation (719-722)
• "My research in teh Peruvian central sierra in teh 1990s suggested that teachers felt teaching had been reduced to a profession of last resort ad this, in turn, reflected back on their racial identity in that they risked being defined as mestizos of last resort too." (722)
• most teachers in Peru held the mestizo identity partially because they were agents of the staet (725)
• they were expected to be more than teachers, and to perform a host of functions apart from teaching
• they were a civilizing force
• but as members of this civilizing avant garde, teachers have at times organized against the state, and have often been repressed (726)
• SUTEP was founde din 1972, led by Marxist university teachers, held that there was no racism in their ranks (728)
• teachers were very important memebrs of Sendero Luminoso (728-729)
• at times teachers would side with the peasants, especially int eh areas of agrarian reform in the 1970s, because they felt it was an important step in civilizing the indgenous populationj (731-33)
• but then this resulted in teachers being cast out from the white society from which the originally came (733)
• SUTEP became more popular among teachers as teachers began losing status through the massification f their profession (734)
• but this also had the danger of making teachers seem eve less cultured and sophisticated
• 1978 strikes won a few demands, but when the state started to back away from these in 1979, new strike which was repressed and meant teachers working conditions and salaries were reduced (735)
• the union became a haven of mestizaje for the teachers, though outside society branded the union as the opposite, cholos and firebrands
• now teachers became potential subsersives, coudl no longer be trusted to represent the state (736)
• many teachers may have suported Sendero Luminoso, but after the real fighting began many tried to abandon the group and take up a middle space between the state and the Maoists, which was difficult to do given the polarization of society (744)
• teaches who didn't toe the state line were cholos, which disheartened many techers who had become teachers specifically to avoid/overcome this low racial status (745)

McEwan 2002

McEwan, Patrick J. 2002. Public subsidies for private schooling: A comparative analysis of Argentina and Chile. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 4(2), 189-216.

• Uses 1997 data to compare effectiveness of public schools, non religious private schools, and Catholic Schools (189-190)
• Argentina Institutional framework
• government has provided subsidies for the payment of private school teachers since the 1940s, but these were codified in 1958 (190)
• the law says that private schools that charge tuition can get up to an 80% subsidy for teacher pay, free private schools can get 100% (190-191)
• wage subsidies can also based on SES of students (191)
• but this gives a lot of leeway of local authorities, which can result in pure clientelism
• in 1998 21% of primary school students went to private schools (nationally)
• of these 63% are in Catholic school
• in 1998 in private schools:
• 45% of students went to schools with teachers 100% subsidized
• another 28% went to schools with partial subsidies
• leaves 27% with no subsidies
• chile (191-193)
• the hard part in this analysis is the fact that SES and shool type tend to correlate (195)
• in general, without controlling for SES, there are big differences between pub and priv schools (199)
• private schools are more likely ot be in rich neighborhoods (204)
• private school students are less likely to repeat a grade (207)
• results are fairly consistent that Catholic subsidized schools have better outcomes in both arg and chile (208)
• but many of the other results seem to suggest that the differences in schools are based on SES (208)
• hypotheses for explanations: (209-211)
• 
  

Tattersall 2008

Tattersall, Amanda. 2008. "Coalitions and community unionism: Using the term community to explore effective union-community collaboration." Journal of Organizational Change Management 21, no. 4: 415-432.

• definition of community unionism
• community is used as a short-cut for describing community organization (417)
• community describes a group of people with common interests or identities
• community means a place
• thus community unionism has all these bits, can be further named in three ways
• strategy of coalition unionism: coalitions between unions and community groups
• strategy of organizing workers on common identities (418)
• place-based organizing strategies
• two downsides of teh current coalition schlarship:
• there is a tendency to describe practices rather than evaluate them (419)
• too often choose case studies that exemplify good practices rather than conceptualizing key variables to better understand what causes coalition success
• focuses mainly on coalitions between unions and community groups (i.e. preformed groups)

Narodowski 2002

Narodowski, Mariano. 2002. "Socio-economic segregation in the Argentine education system: School choice without vouchers." Compare 32.2: 181-191.

• Argentina has never developed school choice programs, but still experiences a great deal of social segregation in schools (182)
• the way the supply is dfeined gives freedom of choice only to richer people
• historically public schools were part of the building of the nation state, and families' rights to edcuation did not include school choice (183-184)
• some discussion of law 184
• students are expected to go to schools near their houses (184)
• In PBA about 31% go to private school (in 2002) (186)
• in CABA it's about 50% go to private school
• rural school districts hav few public schools in teh first place (187)
• private schools have greater autonomy, while public schools are highly regulated (188)
• this means that hiring teachers is easy in private schools, as is firiing them
• some public schools seem pretty good, and middle class families skirt the rules by trying to get into the good ones by donating to the school of some thing like that (188)
• the poor are essentially condemned to their neighborhood school (189)
• 
  

Beech and Barrenechea 2011

Beech, Jason, and Ignacio Barrenechea. 2011. "Pro-market educational governance: is Argentina a black swan?." Critical Studies in Education 52, no. 3: 279-293.

• Arguemnt of the article: Argentina has not done many pro-market reforms in teh education sector due to the high value Argentine society places on public education (279)
• Some others suggest tha tneoliberalism promotes segregation and social inequalitie (280, citing Puiggros 2010, Zajda 2006)
•  defines neoliberalsim as pro-market forms of governance"
• decentralization is't necessarily pro-market
• the education system in Argentina ha always been centralized (281)
• it was a way to promote homogeneity and national identity
• public schoolswere also important to give middle class access to political and economic power
• public school has a strong history in Argentina, nad has been defined as state-run school as well
• in CABA close to 50% of studetns are in private schools (282)
• some private schoosl receive direct subsidies (19% of federal education budget in 2001 went tstriaght to prvate schools without any public oversight as to what it would be spent on , Gvirzt and Beech 2007)
• in 2010 the state subsidized approx. 70% of private schools, Wolff de Moura and Castro 2002)
• despite lots of rhetoric about the 1993 education reform as being neoliberal, few of the reforms were pro-market, and those that were were either limited or not implemented at all (285-287)
• provincialization changed the locus of power, but provinces still set up basicallly hierarchical, centralized systems (286)
• autonomy plans essnetially faile,d at best just created more bureaucracy (286)
• schools do not manage any funds, salaries and everything are paid idrectly by the state (286)
• "the education system has been the exception to the pro-market logic that dominated the overall ecnomic and social policies of the 1990s" (287)
• but yet they are still suffering the segregation and achievement gap between rich and ppor (288)
• 
  

Jacoby and Nitta 2012

Jacoby, Daniel F., and Keith Nitta. 2011. "The Bellevue Teachers Strike and Its Implications for the Future of Postindustrial Reform Unionism." Educational Policy: 533-563

• Reform unionism: moving away from adversarial relationships, by breaking down barriers between workers and managers, including "management prerogatives" (536)
• in teaching this idea meant organizing around education quality, and professionalism whereby the union would police its own standards (537)
• teachers unions used this to immunize themselves against the critiques of industrial unionism and its adversarialness (537)
• reform teacher unions redefine management and labr such that teachers are uderstood as porfessionals whose particiaption in school governance is essential (538)
• but postindsutrial unionism might just be a panopticon, says some critical theorists (539)
• What they found in Bellevue was that teachers started focusing/bargaining over wages specifically becaues they had no say in teh curriculum, or lost their say there, and without that what's left to bargain over? (547)
• union went from helping promote, taking responsibility for student achievement to demanding a greater role for teachers' invovlement...change from helpful to a bit more advesarial in doing so (553-554)
• 
  

Moore Johnson and Kardos 2000

Moore Johnson, Suan and Susan M Kardos "Reform Bargaining and Its Promise for School Reform"
in

Loveless, Tom. 2000. Conflicting missions. Teachers Unions and Educational Reform The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC.

• reform Bargaining: teachers unions recognizing common interests with schools, working collaboratively with school administrators (8)
• in teh US, there was teh factory model of schooling, which has since been replaced by the professional model of schooling (8-9)
• "Teachers must approach their work as a craft or prfession rather than as routine labor, and schools must be organized to encourage them to do so." (9)
• bureaucracy, union or otherwise, can stifle innovation and make teachres and schools unable to respond to the varied needs of students and communites (11-12)
• but importantly one urban principal once declared that the thick, phone-book size contracts were actually an indictment of past administrations, namely their wilingness to abuse teachers (12)
• industrial bargaining led to better pay and faier, more reasonable work environment, yet they also limited the roels teachers could play, overly supported weak teachers (tenure), etc (17)
• good for dividing resources, bad for facing educational challenges (19)
• negotiators who improved edcuation suggested it was only possible once unions/teachers had already attained bread adn butter items that regulate basic working conditions (25)

never really gets into community, but one could see how industrial bargaining would limit community interaction as well...though reform bargaining may also limit this, if the community isn't specifically invted to be invovled