Weiner 2012

• Not very analytical, but good use of concepts, free-flowing, like an easy reader for teachers
• Protecting the heart of teaching
• "our responsibility to do right by our students is at the heart of teaching...tachers are pressured to carry out mandates that harm kids." (15)
• a good teachers union has special moral and political respnsobilities because of teachers' work (21)
• to destroy teachers autonomy is to destroy an important space for training and discussing civil rights, social justice, critical thought, and ideas of freedom (21)
• teachers reproduce society, students are forced to be in schools, and thus forced to be exposed to either good or bad teachers (22)
• teaching is caring (24-25) and teachers need to work with parents and the community (26-27)
• argues teachers are "idea workers", and that unions protects teachers' freedom to teach ideas, even those the union may not like (30)
• neoliberalism has painted teachers' uniosn in a bad light, but it gives them the opportunity to increase the purview of their bargaining beyond merely wages and hours (31)
• Building a social movement union
• campaigns have been successfully built around halting school closures in many cities (38-39)
• expanding the issues on which teachers' union advocate (39-40)
• teachers' unions must package demands of salary and benefits with class size to make sure they aren't utterly sacrificing students' interests (47-48)
• Unions need to have courage, be caring, and critique (64-72)
• teachers and studnets are "victimized" by the lack of democracy in schools, which hinders teachers and schools' ability to work creatively and help their studnets (116-117)
• 
  

Moore Johnson 1984

Johnson, Susan Moore. Teacher Unions In Schools. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984.

• data from 1979-1980
•  Reallocated authority:
• the school is no longer the principal's empire (my term), now informal authority and collaboration with teachers is used more often, though most principals say that was always the better way to run a school (57)
• Bargaining and Bureaucratization
• there was a clear trend toward centralized administration of contracts, but particularistic labor relations at teh school-level continued (82)
• Grievance procedures had made some schools more hierarchical, but many schools also resolved disputes more informally (82-83)
• "pesonalities conitnued to be more important than roles" (83)
• the experieces suggest there are strong influences within schools against massive centralization, and feelings that teachers/education demanded autonomy rather than control (83)
• Defining a Teachers' Job
• teachers look to contract to protect them from unreasonable work demands (made by administrators) (108-109)
• careful balance between limiting administrator abuse and over-emphasizing limiting teachers obligations. the former is necessary, the latter can hurt school's effectiveness (109)
• restricting teachers' obligations makes more work for administrators (109)
• Maintaining Staff Comepetence
• everyone in a district (teachers, admin, etc) thinks unions are responsible for the continued employment of bad teachers (133)
• principals can still  hve some power in trying to upgrade teachers, but it gets pretty hard to summarily dismiss a teacher
• Accommodation in the Schools
• "teachers like to be part of a winning team" (163)
• teachers seem OK with both partial democracy and partial authoritarianism...they don't want to be abused, but will work with principals who expect a lot from them
• Conclusion
• schools have not become bureaucratic factories due to unionization (165)
• teachers are a bit ambivalent about unions
• protects tem in some cases
• but they see themselves as professionals as well
• and they realize that the contract can't regulate everything (166)
• individual personalities and local-level constellations are still really, really important to how a school actually functions (167-8)

Skocpol 1985

Theda Skocpol "Bringing the State Back In: Current Research" 3-37.
in
Evans, Peter B., Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol. Bringing the State Back In. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

• social science had (in 1985) become very society centered, and the state wasn't well understood as an actor with agency
• the Weberian view of the state demands we see the state as structuring state-society relations AND affecting relations within civil society, though it is not totalizing in the sense that other organizations can have similar influence (7-8)
• why do states formulate and purse their own goals? (i.e. why do states go beyond the demands of civil society) (9-10)
• basic needs of manitaining order internally and form external threats
• social inclusion counts as part of this
• corporatist regimes in Peru and Brazil as a way to limit internal social conflict (10)
• state autonomy is not a fixed structural feature in of any governmental system, it can come and go, beause the state tranforms over time, can gain and lose power in relation to societal forces, and can gain or lose autonomy in the same way (14)
• the state can never truly be disinterested (15)
• state capacities should be understood as relational rather than objectively measurable...they are only as powerful as those other organizations over whom they hope to prevail, or influence (19), ESPECIALLY SOCIOECONOMIC OR SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT
• the design of a state can also have important implications on the patterns and structure of civil society...that is to say, the way a state is structure can influence the way a society works (21)
• conclusion: (28)
• states can be coneived of as
• organizations with their own goals that they are more or less able to achieve, or
• "configurations of organization" that structure action and influence politics of all classes in society

Cooper, Westcott and Lansbury (2003)

from Cornfield and McCammon 2003

• Australia
• states enacting neoliberal economic policies, rolling back some of the legislative protections unions had historically enjoyed (188-190)
• the results has been more confrontation between employers and unions (190)
• the response is greater organizing

Cornfield and McCammon 2003

Introduction from their edited volume

• they use a union-centered approach that places labor organizations and their actions as the center of a web of constraining and facilitating social reactions (2)
• but they also see three important social relations in revitalization, between unions and 1) workers, 2) employers, and 3) the state (3)
• "the state influences the the amount of political opportunity for the expression of labor actions." (11)
• sees labor as attempting to regain its autonomy from the state in certain parts of the GS (like venezuela and Mexico) (14-16)
• but these are all labor movements themselves pushing away from the state, not teh state pushing labor unions out
• 
  

Molina Romo 2005

Molina Romo, Óscar. (2005) "Political Exchange and Bargaining Reform in Italy and Spain." European Journal of Industrial Relations 11(1): 7–26.

• In the conclusion
• labor reforms in Italy and Spain were crafted by policy concertation between employers, unions, and the government took an active role (sometimes even by forcing reforms) (20)
• but the intervention of the government gave the trade unions political leverage, and allowed for political exchange, to improve the outcomes of reforms (20-21)
• this is a little different, as the government taking an active role in this reform resulted in the government opening itself to feeling the wrath of unions
• earlier reforms in the 1980s had left unions with weakened industrial power but continued political power, this they were able to leverage into protecting their bargaining structures in the 1990s (22)
• THE POINT, here, is that
• the government didn't take a very active role, but did so in careful negotiations with unions and employers, and
• in this case, when faced by a political challenge from unions, the government gave in to demands (22)

Silvina and Abregú 2005

Gvirtz, Silvina, and Victoria Abregú. 2005. De la tragedia a la esperanza: hacia un sistema educativo justo, democrático y de calidad. Academia Nacional de Educación.

• Introduction
• education should have two goals: teach people how to learn, and teach them how to live together (6-7)
• the school forms citiznes (7)
• education system has high coverage but not high retention rates (9)
• Chapter 1
• a bit of hsitory
• teh state was heavily involved in creating and administering the education system in the 1800s, it allowed everyone in to primary, but saved upper levels for a minority of students (16-17)
• in teh 1960s and 1970s society changed, new technology grew, and public schoolsdidn't keep up with the times.  this was the start of the middle class c=slowly migrating to private schools (18-20)
• this also meant the state was less able to meet its responsibility of educating studenets (20)
• private schools were more disciminatory, if only in that their fees limited enrolment (21)
• the dictatorships didn't do much to combat this, while democratic governments tried to recentralize schooling and fix the problem (21)
• 1990s reform (23-32)
• supposed to give some autonomy back to the schools, let them decide how to teach at the school level (28-29) MAYBE THIS MEANS GIVING BACK TO INDIVIDUAL TEACHERS SOME POWER AND CONTROL OVER THEIR WORK?
• hope was to put provinces in charge of curriculum design, just have some big goals at the federal level (29-30)
• but the fedeeral "guide" just became what everyone used as the curriculum itself (30)
• the implementation of these reforms seemed to fall short of the goals, and in some ways just increased bureaucratization (32)
• data on inequality of income between private and public schools, (35)
• richer people in private schools, significantly so
• schools don't really have much autnomy, they have been very centalzied under the provinces, even private schools! (40)
• they also argue that there is a political problem, because the government isn't taking it's responsibility to educate everyone equally (40)
• introduction to the second part of the book
• this section brings up three paths that should be done in order to provide basic pilars for improving education system:
• redefine government running or education to de-bureaucratize the system (44)
• redefine the school as a space of socio-educative and community center, 
• equalize conditions in all schools to allow quality education in every school
• chapter 2
• government needs to find a careful balance between equality of access and results of education (48)
• government should set clear goals
• schools should be given some flexibility to address their own peculiar needs
• entire system should have responsibility for results of education
• government should work to either equalize education across schools, or at leat compensate worse schools to try and make them better (48-49)
• create incentives to allow good policies in schools to be rewarded (49)
• community should become a collaborative partner for schools (49)
• what the national education ministry should be donig (52-55), mostly helping, coordinating, measuring, being a resource, but not being heavy handed, but also paying for things
• this model favors de-bureaucratization (55)
• really important to increase teachers' capacity to teach, in schools, out of schools, and in universities (58)
• provincial level ministiries should
• work to coordinate the macro and the micro levels (61-2)
• generate strategies of cooperation among schools (62)
• create broad strategies to improve schools in their province
• work to fund their schools
• chapter 3
• ideas to change the schools (and ministries) from pyrmaidal and bureaucratic to open and democratic (63)
• need:
• more decentralized decisionmaking, allow schools to vary their work a bit (64)
•  start having community groups that have a voice in the schools (66-67)
• and others
• mostly about creating new work positions, like director of pedagogoy
• Consejos escolares (70-73)
• these arent' always good, might just back uup authoritarian principal (70)
• should include parents, students, graduates, administrators, teachers, and members of the community (71)
• not just for fundraising, but to make sure the decisions the school is tyaking are good
• EVERYONE muist be involved, every sector, as education is something that is shared among all secotrs (72)
• decision-making still mostly in the hands of the director(s) of the school (73)
• change school culture (74)
• clear goals with measurements
• get participation of the families (75)
• chapter 4
• consider the school as a center of communtiy and social education 975)
• get students, school projects involved in their community, too (79)
• give exta aid, food, etc to schools that are in especially poor areas (80)
• make the buildings, supplies better and equal across schools (82)
• improve the formation and careers of teachers (84-86)
• improve salarty (85)
• create better career paths for them (85-86)
• 
  

Eaton and Dickovick 2004

Eaton, Kent, and Tyler Dickovick. 2004. "The politics of re-centralization in Argentina and Brazil." Latin American Research Review 39(1): 90-122.

• about the recentlralization moves after the 1990s decentralization
• decentralization often involved giving subnational governments the power to control spending, which took a lot of power away from national-level politicians, who now want it back (91)
• this has also made it more difficult for national governments to insure macroeconomic stability (91)
• this article focuses on uncovering teh factors that influence the ways politicians pursue re-centralization, and their relative success or failure (92)
• must remember that Brazil and Argentina are still really decentralized countries, despite this article's talk of re-centralization
• four possible recentralizing factors:
• economic crisis (93)
•  division of powers between branches
• presidential partisan power
• conflict within the bureaucracy
• three measures of decentralization, changes in (94):
• revenue autonomy
• expenditure autonomy
• borrowing autonomy
• presidents have heightened their control over healthcare and schools even as they haven't rolled back rearlier decentralization measures (95)
• stylized review of de- and re-centralization in Arg (97) and Brazil (98)
• economic crises only indirectly led to recentralization, despite the fact that we would expect presidents to take more control in a hyperinlfation crisis (99)
• Arg: interestingly, de la Rua's presidency resulted in little recentralization, despite big economic crises (101)
• the crisis actualy made Peronist governors even more in need of federal transfers, adn thus unwilling to give them up with dlR needed to pay creditors instead of giving money to the provinces (101-102)
• in Brazil subnational governments had borrowed liek crazy for pork, expecting national government ot bail them out (102)
• Cardoso changed this with Real plan
• recentralization only started happening when the governors' bad habits became public, adn this issue outweighed the gains made through patronage spending
• formal/decree powers (aka presidential partisan powers) were not really used to recentralize in Argentina (105), though president's personal power gave hims some leverage (106)
• didn't help at all in Brazil, as constitution laid out most of the rules here (107)
• Menem's power and popularity in teh party gave him a lot of control over who got nominated and elected, which helped his recentralization efforts (108-109)
• but he was a lame duck after 1995, and lost a lot of this power (109)
• none of this happenened in Brazil, as there is little party discipline for Cardoso, but he did have popular support which was helpful (110)
• the cabinet and bureaucracy is important, hurt Menem in his second term (112-113), helped Cardoso throughout (113-114)
• COnclusion
• need to remember not just look at elections, but look at bureaucracis!!! (115)
• economic crisis did not drive re-centralization efforts (115)
• table of findings on page 116

Tattersall 2006

Tattersall, Amanda. 2006. "Bringing the community in: Possibilities for public sector union success through community unionism." International Journal of Human Resources Development and Management 6(2): 186-199.

• public sector unions are starting to lose out to conservative governments (187)
• this paper is describing the New South Wales Teacehrs Federation experiments with community unionism (187)
• tough to really define community unions 9187-188)
• can be understood as the intersection of unionism and three types of commnity:
• community organizing
• people with common interests (sort of identity)
• and geograhic areas
• literature says community unionism works best when there is a relational component, a shared interest, and a shared goegraphy (188)
• geographers say community unionism is most likely to happen when there is a spatial fix on capital (it can't run away)
• article is about a campaign from 2001-2004 (188-189)
• went for school improvement through a borad-based campaign in favor of public education after big budget cuts (189)
• three major innovations: (190)
• a fee to fund proactive campaigning
• create education lobby groups that cover an electoral area
• find common ground with principals
• an inquiry into public education included tight cooperation between unions and parent groups, which paid dividends (191-192)
• out of this grew a public education alliance that included principals and administrators (192-193)
• needed careful balancing to make sure teachers till got salaries, but other alliance members weren't feeling like they were just helping improve teachers' salaries (192)
• these sorts of internal demands that alliance member-groups had were dangerous to the alliance, need to remember alliance members were autnomous organizatiosn with their own goals (193)
• at one point the parent's group voted to support s NSWTF strike! (194)
• but alliance foundered a bit after winning stuff, and split once salary negotations started (195)
•  

Knoblauch and Woolfolk Hoy 2008

Knoblauch, Dee, and Anita Woolfolk Hoy. 2008.  "“Maybe I can teach those> kids.” The influence of contextual factors on student teachers’ efficacy beliefs." Teaching and Teacher Education 24(1): 166-179.

• Looks to see if teachers who do student-teaching in urban schools (the toughest schools) have better or worse "efficacy beliefs" (i.e. confidence) in their skills
• this is also affected by teachers' collective efficacy beliefs (ie school culture) as well as the influence of the mentor-teacher (167)
• many novice teachers note that they feel intimidated by urban schools, and don't think they have the skills to be effective teachers there (so says the literature, 168)
• the cooperating/mentor teacher can be more influential than a student's college adviser (168)
• rural schools can have a caluable sense of community, which is less true of urban schools (169)
• just doing student teaching improves efficacy scores in all types of schools (rural, urban, suburban) (172)
• and there was no stat sig difference in the improvements in efficacy beliefs regardless of school (172)
• perceived cooperating teachers' efficacy was significant (173)
• urban settings did result in significantly lower collective efficacy scores (173-174)
• but urban settings do not cause a downward trend in student teachers' efficacy beliefs, overall
• this cna help us turn urban schools around (177)
• 
  

O'Connor 2006

O'Connor, Kate Eliza. 2008. 'You choose to care': Teachers, emotions and professional identity. Teaching and Teacher Education 24(1): 117-126.

• qualitative study of teachers who decided to care about their student,s which allowed them to construct a professional identity that matched their philosophical ideas about teaching (117)
• teachers' experiences with caring are influenced both by their need to sustain positive relationships with their students AND by their individual beliefs about education
• both teachers' desire to care for their students AND political factors that affect their profession can influence a teachers' professional action (118)
• STUDY IS IN AUSTRALIA
• the teachers in this stduy work in a place where caring is not encouraged by public policy, and may actually hinder their professional achievements (119)
• the nature of teaching cannot be expressed within technical competencies, but centers around human interaction and emotional understanding (Hargreaves 1998) (119)
• teacher got involved in education specifically to build relationships with the students, but also dislikes the idea that as a teacher she is seen as providing a service to |"customers" (121)
• education as emotional labor (122)
• danger of teacher burnout ? (124)
• need for a healthy distance from students (124-125)
• caring as both a part of the job, and terribly exhausting (125)
• 
  

Isenbarger and Zembylas 2005

Isenbarger, Lynn and Michalinos Zembylas. 2006. "The emotional labor of caring in teaching." Teaching and Teacher Education 22 (1): 120–134.

• Articles looks at how erforming "caring teaching" can have both negative AND positive forms of emotional labour (a la Hothschild)
• Lynn, the teacher: "I am concerned about the student as a whole person, not just as a student." (121)
• caring teachers becomes emotional labor when they engage in efforts to modify or control negative emotions and perform positive emotions (123)
• this can be both a negative experience (Hothschild) (123)...
• but also maybe an exhilirating experience when they/their students do well (124)
• logn description of teacher dealing with a "Problem student"
• "the exhaustion, the frustrations and upheavals, all seemed worthwhile when i observd reed's progress." (128)
• "Guilt and self-blame were challenging emotions to deal with and Lynn often struggled hard over her responsibility to help students and to realize that caring had its limits." (129)
• "Caring is an inextricable part of her self-image." (129)
• teaching as a calling, performing emotional labor has positive payoffs (130-131)
• it is interesting to notice that some of the satisfactions of teaching come from take more care of others and less care of the self (131)
• 
  

de la Garza Toledo 2005

Introduction, 9-17 in


de la Garza Toledo, Enrique. 2005. Sindicatos Y Nuevos Movimientos Sociales En América Latina. 1. ed. Buenos Aires, Argentina: CLACSO.

• the strict definition is that conditions, experience, and demands  of work are the things that create "work subjects", ie a work identity for a worker (15)
• but what we actually need is a broader conception of the creation of identities at work, including workers who work in noncapitalist enterprises, and times spent NOT at a workplace
• for example, the idea of desocupados is both a work subject, but one disconnected from work itself...demands aren't made against a boss, but against a society with a deep divide between winners and losers
• we can't just look at one world, e.g. the work world, to understand teh genesis of collective action, have to see the multiple influences and demands that build inside and out of work (16)
• 
  

Marx!

Communist manifesto, in the Reader
"The Communists have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class" (487), originally from the Communist Manifesto

they plan to do lots of things, including; ..."free education for all children in public schools." (490)

Wilson 2007

Wilson, Fiona. (2007). "Transcending race? schoolteachers and political militancy in andean peru, 1970-2000." Journal of Latin American Studies, 39(4), 719-746

• In Latin America the school has been important to nation formation since teh 19th century, it is the space for social reproduction, but also the production of the state (719-720)
• education was the way to achieve citizenship (720)
• great lit review on the importance of the state to social formation (719-722)
• "My research in teh Peruvian central sierra in teh 1990s suggested that teachers felt teaching had been reduced to a profession of last resort ad this, in turn, reflected back on their racial identity in that they risked being defined as mestizos of last resort too." (722)
• most teachers in Peru held the mestizo identity partially because they were agents of the staet (725)
• they were expected to be more than teachers, and to perform a host of functions apart from teaching
• they were a civilizing force
• but as members of this civilizing avant garde, teachers have at times organized against the state, and have often been repressed (726)
• SUTEP was founde din 1972, led by Marxist university teachers, held that there was no racism in their ranks (728)
• teachers were very important memebrs of Sendero Luminoso (728-729)
• at times teachers would side with the peasants, especially int eh areas of agrarian reform in the 1970s, because they felt it was an important step in civilizing the indgenous populationj (731-33)
• but then this resulted in teachers being cast out from the white society from which the originally came (733)
• SUTEP became more popular among teachers as teachers began losing status through the massification f their profession (734)
• but this also had the danger of making teachers seem eve less cultured and sophisticated
• 1978 strikes won a few demands, but when the state started to back away from these in 1979, new strike which was repressed and meant teachers working conditions and salaries were reduced (735)
• the union became a haven of mestizaje for the teachers, though outside society branded the union as the opposite, cholos and firebrands
• now teachers became potential subsersives, coudl no longer be trusted to represent the state (736)
• many teachers may have suported Sendero Luminoso, but after the real fighting began many tried to abandon the group and take up a middle space between the state and the Maoists, which was difficult to do given the polarization of society (744)
• teaches who didn't toe the state line were cholos, which disheartened many techers who had become teachers specifically to avoid/overcome this low racial status (745)

McEwan 2002

McEwan, Patrick J. 2002. Public subsidies for private schooling: A comparative analysis of Argentina and Chile. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 4(2), 189-216.

• Uses 1997 data to compare effectiveness of public schools, non religious private schools, and Catholic Schools (189-190)
• Argentina Institutional framework
• government has provided subsidies for the payment of private school teachers since the 1940s, but these were codified in 1958 (190)
• the law says that private schools that charge tuition can get up to an 80% subsidy for teacher pay, free private schools can get 100% (190-191)
• wage subsidies can also based on SES of students (191)
• but this gives a lot of leeway of local authorities, which can result in pure clientelism
• in 1998 21% of primary school students went to private schools (nationally)
• of these 63% are in Catholic school
• in 1998 in private schools:
• 45% of students went to schools with teachers 100% subsidized
• another 28% went to schools with partial subsidies
• leaves 27% with no subsidies
• chile (191-193)
• the hard part in this analysis is the fact that SES and shool type tend to correlate (195)
• in general, without controlling for SES, there are big differences between pub and priv schools (199)
• private schools are more likely ot be in rich neighborhoods (204)
• private school students are less likely to repeat a grade (207)
• results are fairly consistent that Catholic subsidized schools have better outcomes in both arg and chile (208)
• but many of the other results seem to suggest that the differences in schools are based on SES (208)
• hypotheses for explanations: (209-211)
• 
  

Tattersall 2008

Tattersall, Amanda. 2008. "Coalitions and community unionism: Using the term community to explore effective union-community collaboration." Journal of Organizational Change Management 21, no. 4: 415-432.

• definition of community unionism
• community is used as a short-cut for describing community organization (417)
• community describes a group of people with common interests or identities
• community means a place
• thus community unionism has all these bits, can be further named in three ways
• strategy of coalition unionism: coalitions between unions and community groups
• strategy of organizing workers on common identities (418)
• place-based organizing strategies
• two downsides of teh current coalition schlarship:
• there is a tendency to describe practices rather than evaluate them (419)
• too often choose case studies that exemplify good practices rather than conceptualizing key variables to better understand what causes coalition success
• focuses mainly on coalitions between unions and community groups (i.e. preformed groups)

Narodowski 2002

Narodowski, Mariano. 2002. "Socio-economic segregation in the Argentine education system: School choice without vouchers." Compare 32.2: 181-191.

• Argentina has never developed school choice programs, but still experiences a great deal of social segregation in schools (182)
• the way the supply is dfeined gives freedom of choice only to richer people
• historically public schools were part of the building of the nation state, and families' rights to edcuation did not include school choice (183-184)
• some discussion of law 184
• students are expected to go to schools near their houses (184)
• In PBA about 31% go to private school (in 2002) (186)
• in CABA it's about 50% go to private school
• rural school districts hav few public schools in teh first place (187)
• private schools have greater autonomy, while public schools are highly regulated (188)
• this means that hiring teachers is easy in private schools, as is firiing them
• some public schools seem pretty good, and middle class families skirt the rules by trying to get into the good ones by donating to the school of some thing like that (188)
• the poor are essentially condemned to their neighborhood school (189)
• 
  

Beech and Barrenechea 2011

Beech, Jason, and Ignacio Barrenechea. 2011. "Pro-market educational governance: is Argentina a black swan?." Critical Studies in Education 52, no. 3: 279-293.

• Arguemnt of the article: Argentina has not done many pro-market reforms in teh education sector due to the high value Argentine society places on public education (279)
• Some others suggest tha tneoliberalism promotes segregation and social inequalitie (280, citing Puiggros 2010, Zajda 2006)
•  defines neoliberalsim as pro-market forms of governance"
• decentralization is't necessarily pro-market
• the education system in Argentina ha always been centralized (281)
• it was a way to promote homogeneity and national identity
• public schoolswere also important to give middle class access to political and economic power
• public school has a strong history in Argentina, nad has been defined as state-run school as well
• in CABA close to 50% of studetns are in private schools (282)
• some private schoosl receive direct subsidies (19% of federal education budget in 2001 went tstriaght to prvate schools without any public oversight as to what it would be spent on , Gvirzt and Beech 2007)
• in 2010 the state subsidized approx. 70% of private schools, Wolff de Moura and Castro 2002)
• despite lots of rhetoric about the 1993 education reform as being neoliberal, few of the reforms were pro-market, and those that were were either limited or not implemented at all (285-287)
• provincialization changed the locus of power, but provinces still set up basicallly hierarchical, centralized systems (286)
• autonomy plans essnetially faile,d at best just created more bureaucracy (286)
• schools do not manage any funds, salaries and everything are paid idrectly by the state (286)
• "the education system has been the exception to the pro-market logic that dominated the overall ecnomic and social policies of the 1990s" (287)
• but yet they are still suffering the segregation and achievement gap between rich and ppor (288)
• 
  

Jacoby and Nitta 2012

Jacoby, Daniel F., and Keith Nitta. 2011. "The Bellevue Teachers Strike and Its Implications for the Future of Postindustrial Reform Unionism." Educational Policy: 533-563

• Reform unionism: moving away from adversarial relationships, by breaking down barriers between workers and managers, including "management prerogatives" (536)
• in teaching this idea meant organizing around education quality, and professionalism whereby the union would police its own standards (537)
• teachers unions used this to immunize themselves against the critiques of industrial unionism and its adversarialness (537)
• reform teacher unions redefine management and labr such that teachers are uderstood as porfessionals whose particiaption in school governance is essential (538)
• but postindsutrial unionism might just be a panopticon, says some critical theorists (539)
• What they found in Bellevue was that teachers started focusing/bargaining over wages specifically becaues they had no say in teh curriculum, or lost their say there, and without that what's left to bargain over? (547)
• union went from helping promote, taking responsibility for student achievement to demanding a greater role for teachers' invovlement...change from helpful to a bit more advesarial in doing so (553-554)
•