Showing posts with label union revitalization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label union revitalization. Show all posts

Thursday, January 15, 2015

Tattersall 2006



Tattersall, Amanda. 2006. "Bringing the community in: Possibilities for public sector union success through community unionism." International Journal of Human Resources Development and Management 6(2): 186-199.

  • public sector unions are starting to lose out to conservative governments (187)
  • this paper is describing the New South Wales Teacehrs Federation experiments with community unionism (187)
  • tough to really define community unions 9187-188)
    • can be understood as the intersection of unionism and three types of commnity:
      • community organizing
      • people with common interests (sort of identity)
      • and geograhic areas
    • literature says community unionism works best when there is a relational component, a shared interest, and a shared goegraphy (188)
      • geographers say community unionism is most likely to happen when there is a spatial fix on capital (it can't run away)
  • article is about a campaign from 2001-2004 (188-189)
    • went for school improvement through a borad-based campaign in favor of public education after big budget cuts (189)
    • three major innovations: (190)
      • a fee to fund proactive campaigning
      • create education lobby groups that cover an electoral area
      • find common ground with principals
  • an inquiry into public education included tight cooperation between unions and parent groups, which paid dividends (191-192)
    • out of this grew a public education alliance that included principals and administrators (192-193)
    • needed careful balancing to make sure teachers till got salaries, but other alliance members weren't feeling like they were just helping improve teachers' salaries (192)
      • these sorts of internal demands that alliance member-groups had were dangerous to the alliance, need to remember alliance members were autnomous organizatiosn with their own goals (193)
    • at one point the parent's group voted to support s NSWTF strike! (194)
    • but alliance foundered a bit after winning stuff, and split once salary negotations started (195)
    •  

Wednesday, April 30, 2014

Collado 2010





  • Introduction
    • unions were weakened in the 1990s, and they seemed even worse off since the social movements that grew in the 2000s did so thanks to the same deindustrialization that weakened the unions! (171)
    • the study focuses a on the new significance/importance/change in union practices (172)
  • El sindicalismo en Argentina
    • the crisis of political representation in the 1990s was also one that hurt uniosn a great deal, since they were supposed to be a political representation group for workers (172-173)
    • peronist and corporatist unions became hegemonic (173-174)
    • early on unions lost their autonomy, thanks to interventions (174)
    • the union movement in Argentina has demonstrated an impressive ability to mobilize even when the military was trying to crush them (175)
  • La refundacion de las parcticas sindicales y su resignificacion
    • CTA and MTA were new arrivals, efforts to get back to the combativeness of unions int eh 1960s (178)
    • CTA states that is is necessary to have autonomy from the state, business owners, political parties, and to value union unity and ethics (178-179)
    • with the founding of the CTA, the unions withi teh new confederation needed to do some internal restructuring to improve internal democracy, which faced some obstacles (179)
      • this article looks a the ATE in Medoza
      • the tension between old bureaucratic leaders and new democracy, and the disruptive potential of these changes
  • La Provicnia de Mendoza en el context nacional\
    • state workers have very diverse jobs (180)
    • lots of restructuring of the state employment during the 1990s, most of it mkaing owrk harder
    • there were lots of protests against this restructuring (181)
    • but the ATE lost most of these fights, and saw a lot of disaffiliation of union members (182)
    • after 2001-2, workers became the main protagonists of social movmenets, no the unemp[loyed (184)
  • El sindicalismo en renovacion
    • important challenges to the union: (184)
      • old delegtimization they have to overcome
      • newly atomized workers
    • to fight delegitimization, the union refounded itself on democratic and autonomous principles
      • started electiosn and things that explicitly trie dot reonnect to the base
      • new group of leaders elected in this process (185)
    • joined a multisectoral movement in 2008, which had unions, social movements, student groups, etc., which held marches against tightening of protest laws and against increase in prices of public services (186)
    • the unions repertoire of action has come ot included piquetes, territorialization, and attempts to be visible, int eh streets (186)
    • as part of its dynamic amplification of particiaption, unions have taken to being groups of political formation for their members 9187)
    • delegates at the groudn level play an important part in this revitalization (188)
    • barriers:
      • the meritocratic competition between member 
      • public helath owrkers are told their are "responsible" for the health of their patients, and that striking would be a bad thing for the patients (188-189)
      • fear that their jobs are vulnerable (189)
      •  this fear can lead to inaction, and dlegates face a lot of fear among their constituents
  • COnclusions
    • this union did a lot of great stuff, is really becoming dynamic
    • but internal issues and lack of ties between workers still hinders the union

Monday, April 28, 2014

Senen Gonzalez 2011




  • Introduction
    • after 2003, unions became a much stronger player
    • government began being more involved in economy
    •  collective contracts grew a great deal, from and average or 197 per year in the 1990s, to 406 in 2003, 568 in 2005, 930 in 2006, 1654 in 2009
    • question of the article: are unions revitalizing themselves, or are they just reacting to the changing context? (42)
      • comparing the years 1990-2001 and 2002-2008
      • articles suggests that there aren't only more collective contracts, but that the content of these contractsis also better
      • there is a transformation of of the interior structures of unions, too, thanks to the presence of delegados in the workplace
  • Nuevas Reglas del juego: politicas publicas
    • Nestor Kirchner importantly tried to boost internal consumption among Argentines, and of course the debt default and the end of the convertibility plan (43)
    • the state is aiming to take an active role in promoting ethical employment and social inclusion of workers (44)
    • suggests that the old (and new) state-labor colatiion is based on the negotiation of salaries (46)
      • state promotes salary increases, while unions make demands within inflation targets of the government
      • mostly with CGT, since CTA does not have personaria gremial
      • creates pattern bargaining (47)
    • Consejo de Salario Minimo, Vital, y Movil includes CGT, CTA and business leaders (47)
    • 2004 labor law change tries to consolidate some of the post-2001 changes in labor, including giving a stronger right to strike (though the right to strik eof "essential services" is still limited)
    • also, some limitation of manager discretion, esepcailly around firing without just cause and arbitrary layoffs (49)
  • El actor sindical: tradiciones y nuevas percepciones
    • CTA was acting more like a social movement union, while CGT is bureaucratic thanks to strong labor institutions (50)
    • seems like the revitalization in collective bargaining is less about getting more members, and more about improving union (leaders) position in poliitcs (51)
      • BUT that's not the whole story, adn there are some challengers to this story
  • Los indicadores de la revitalizaction
    • workplaces with delegados have a much higher unionization rate (53)
    • Collective contracts
      • in teh 1990s, most common demand was about flexibilit yo employment
      • in 2000s, wage levels became the most common thing in bargaining, and included social dialogue to figure out correct level (55)
        • fighting back against "individualization" of salary
      • coverage went from 3 million to 5 million between 2003 and 2008 (no citation)
    • labor conflict
      • more of them, peaking in 2007/2008 (56-57)
      • state is still the most important target, but private sector is growing as a target (and state is shrinking, slightly (58)
  • Conclusion
    • most of this revitalization is coming from opportunities in a new context (59)
    • CGT is doing top-down revitalization 

Friday, January 3, 2014

Elbert 2010

Elbert, Rodolfo. 2010. "How Do Unions Respond to Nonstandard Work Arrangements? Relations between Core and Non-Core Workers in a Food Processing Factory (Argentina, 2005-2008)". Journal of Workplace Rights. 15 (3): 387-398.

  •  Introduction
    • Though the working class is increasingly fragmented, in Argentina  workers in formal labor movements are being a bit more militant now (387-388)
    • This paper is about a successful case of non-standard and standard workers cooperating to improve the lives of non-standard wokers
    • there are grassroots strategies that non-core workers developed in order to obtain the support of core workers (388)
  • Nonstandard work arrangements and Union Strategies in the Global South
    • labor protests can include both core and non-core workers, and these protests need to be analyzed in light of this fact (389)
  • Context of the Factory Case Study:
    • K-Foods
      • Production
        • two main sections, manufacturing and packaging (390)
        • some gender division in labor
        • Labor relations = conflictual
          • workers say management is too demanding
          • management says workers are ideologically set against them (391)
        • there is more or less explicit competition between teh company and the union for workers' loyalty
      • nonstandard work
        • most nonstandard workers are not represented by the union
      • union politics
        • three main groups (392)
          • core workers, aligned with national leaders
          • core workers who are more militant
          • non-core workers seeking solidarity and core jobs
  • Core and Non-core workers during two Labor Conflicts
    • Campaign against Labor Outsourcing
      • there was labor outsourcing at one of the plants, but the union did not fight it until 2005 (393)
        • before this the national union did not intitiate a fight, despite favorable conditions
      • in 2005 some grassroots organization began with outsourced workers and activists (394)
      • core workers showed solidarity, and eventually (2006) these nonstandard workers were hired as core workers
    • Temporary workers win permanent contracts
      • temp contracts or those hired through agencies (395), NOT outsourced labor
      • some of these workers also joined the grassroots group
      • these workers eventually blockaded a highway to get their demands (to be core workers, among others) to be met
      • when temp workers were sent home, allegedly because their was no work to be done, WHOLE PLANT went on strike (395-396)
        • shop floor union and activist group came together, finally, most temp workers got core contracts (396)
  • Union Strategies that Confront Nonstandard work Arrangments
    • non-croes workers campagins were grassroots
      • involved rank and file, despite teh fact that the union rarely did so
      • ruthless in the pursuit of the creation of solidarty across core/non-core
    • ALL OF THIS CREATED SOLIDARITY, which won the day
    • these actiosn reveresed trend of labor fragmentation
  • ME: Where's the government in all this?  They blockaded a highway and nothing bad happened?

Thursday, August 15, 2013

Cató and Ventrici 2011



Cató, Juan, and Patricia Ventrici. 2011. "Labor Union Renewal in Argentina: Democratic Revitalization from the Base". Latin American Perspectives. 38 (6): 38-51. 


  • Introduction
    • 2001 crisis involved the collapse of the development formula based on financial accumulation, exhaustion of social model based on exclusion and regressive distribution of income, and delegitimization of political authority (38)
    • the persecution of labor leaders during the dictatorship of the 1970s and 1980s, coupled with the cooptation of union leaders in the 1990s, significantly weakened labor as a social actor (38-39) 
    • BUT the new landscape created by Néstor Kirchner provided a favorable climate for labor union revitalization through union democracy (39)
    • look at subway workers to see how rank and file changed their internal procedures, became more democratic, and how the union fared after making these changes
  • The Union legacy of the 1990s and the New Situation
    • the (neoliberal) changes to the labor market and the deterioration of the norms of protection delegitimized many unions in the 1990s (Marshall and Perelman 2002) (40)
    • many unions privileged organizational survival over rank and file interests
  • Union Democracy
    • paper looks at the ways labor unions as a social actor deal with workers' needs (41)
    • the major unions, since 2003, have continued the old model of deeply rooted bureaucracy and top-down control (42)
      • the struggle by many leaders to preserve their power closes off the possibility of revitalization
    • but the weakening of corporatism also brought the old model of unionism into crisis (citing de la Garza 2008)
    • in Argentina unionism is on the defensive, and any attempt and innovation is perceived as a threat to leaders...questioning leaders is seen as a declaration of rivalry (43)
  • Resistance to Union Bureaucratization:  The Subway Assembly Delegates
    • the new, post-2001 era made possible the emergence and/or consolidation of union renewal from the base
    • the Subway union went against the grain of history, as it was
      • challenged entrenched union bureaucracy (44)
      • was innovative and employed a lot of direct action
      • was particularly success in achieving its demands
    • Boundary-violating actions by the base revealed the limits of the established rules, and allowed rank and file to supersede them
    • 1994: subway privatized
      • the union outwardly complained, but internally decided to moderate demands, work with management, limit workers in transition
      • unhappy workers started meeting and complaining clandestinely
    • in 1997 a worker was unfairly fired and other workers left on an unauthorized strike (45), though most delegates and leadership did not aid them
      • after this these militant workers attempted to gain elected positions in the union Assembly as delegates
      • in 2000 the militant delegates won 17 of 21 seats
    • then, in 2001, after an unpopular management decision supported by the union leadership, and demanded to negotiate this decision
      • management found that the Assembly, not the leadership, was the real power, and bypassed negotiating with the leadership in this case (45-46)
    • the main challenge for the Assembly was to keep workers invovled and reelecting them (46)
      • soon the Assembly had taken over long- and medium-term strategy for the union, and became the main interlocutor with management
    • both management (using cooptation) and the official union leadership (using non-recognition) tried to break up the Assembly
    •  Assembly's main demands were not on wages, but on improving conditions, lowering hours, including more non-organized workers in contracts, and reducing arbitrary management decisions (47)
      • my take:  sounds a lot like job control unionism!
    • the Assembly consolidated itself both practically and symbolically, and continued to make gains (47-48)
  • Conclusion
    • In this case, union democracy was not an obstacle but a prerequisite for increased union power (48)
    • the Assembly engaged members in active participation and direct action, which showed them that the traditional institutional limits could be overcome and innovation could occur (49)

Tuesday, August 13, 2013

Palcios-Valladares 2010

Palacios-Valladares, Indira. 2010. "From Militancy to Clientelism: Labor Union Strategies and Membership Trajectories in Contemporary Chile". Latin American Politics and Society. 52 (2): 73-102.

  • Introduction
    • While union membership decline was initially caused by the 1973 and repression, the neoliberal turn created increasing union fragmentation and job precariousness which, in the long run, weakened unions’ capacity to attract members (73)
    • Limitations of current research
      • focus on national confederations,  yet about 70% of unionized workers are organized by firm-level unions (Dirección del Trabajo nd), fewer than half of these unions below to confederations, and only a little more than a quarter of these worker are in unions that are in national confederations (Arrieta 2003) (74)
      • Rely too heavily on structural causes to explain current unionization rates
    • This Article:
      • differences in individual union strategy re: management played a key role in shaping variation in unionization rates (75)
        • specifically, more accommodating unions gained a recruiting edge
      • BUT these strategies that helped increase membership also undermined union strength
      • as union members fled more militant unions, more accommodating unions benefitted from this flow, but consequently did little to reach out to unorganized workers
      • Overall, strategies matter, but are highly dependent on the broader institutional political, and economic context
    • MY TAKE: strategies matter, but only if unions accommodate, and then they are weak anyway
  • Theoretical Perspectives on Contemporary Union Membership Decline
    • Although the democratic transition provided opportunities for labor, the CUT (Central Unitaria de Trabajadores) had trouble shaping the broader, national economic and labor relations context (Cook 2007, Frank 2004, Haagh 2002) (75)
    • as a result, Chilean unions operate in a labor relations system that tends to weaken them (cook 2007, Haagh 2002)
    • deindustrialization, etc will mean that blue collar unions face different pressure than white-collar unions (77)
    • in the larger, international context, it has become common for unions to simply try and rely on union raiding to increase membership (Milkman and Voss 2004)
    • THIS STUDY finds that strategic decisions at specific points of firm restructuring were a major determinant of the trajectory of a union’s membership rate (78)
    • BUT this study also highlights the limitations of partnership strategies in a fragmented union environment with weak bargaining power
      • workers migrate from union ot union, but labor isn’t better off
  • Research Design
    • 13 unions across a telecom firm and bank (79)
    • each firm has a relatively high unionization rate, but also a lot of different unions representing workers
    • skilled-ish workers
  • Union Member Trajectories: The Bank
    • between 1990 and 2004 union density declined at the Bank by one-quarter (80)
    • initially six unions, all in one federation
    • threatened strike in 1990, but federation quickly decided to accomodate management:  unions get a say in decisions, deliver labor peace and collaborate in firm restructuring (81)
      • the dominant, more militant union does not join this agreement, management takes a hard line with this union, militant union cannot gain concessions, loses member to other unions (81)
      • in two other mergers (1994 and 2000-2002), federation gets the inside track on bargaining, unions from other merging firms (many more militant) get shut out of the process, end up capitulating or being broken (81-5)
  • Telecommunications Firm
    • 1990-2004, density declined by one-fifth (85)
    • 1980s had been a rough time for labor management relations, 1990-98 the unions and management agree to accommodation, unions felt like this was “co-governance” of the firm
    • but this accommodation caused tensions between unions (86)
    • 1999: top management changed, took a hard line against unions, lots of layoffs (87)
    • Massive strike in 2002 when management continued hard line during new CB rounds, all workers joined, it still failed (87-88)
      • lots of workers defected from the strike
      • some unions gave up, others held up longer before giving up (in 2003)
      • two of the unions competed with all the others, raided for blue and white collar workers (respectively) (88-89)
        these two unions became the firm’s favorites, got better access to management (89)
  • Results:
    • if a union accommodates during restructuring, it is likely to get ahead (90)
    • in the tough context of job losses, intensifying work, and weak institutional and political support for unions, getting on management’s good side is almost the only way to get concessions for one’s membership (91)
    • Strategic calculations of union leaders are most conditioned by past experiences, whether workers have been willing to fight the company, strength of management, etc. (92)
    • Management doesn’t choose favorite union, thy let unions react and pick the one whose reaction they like best (93)
    • All this accommodation leads to weak unions that are increasingly dependent on management to provide a sense of legitimacy (93)
  • Conclusion
    • the real Achilles’ heel for these unions is the tough institutional framework they face, combined with the lack of political support (94)
Lowell Turner, Harry Charles Katz, and Richard W. Hurd. Rekindling the Movement: Labor's Quest for Relevance in the Twenty-First Century. Ithaca: ILR Press, 2001.

Turner and Hurd “Building Social movement Unionism: The Transformation of the American Labor Movement” p. 9-26

  1. Driving revitalization is two factors:
    1. veterans of 1960s social movements in leadership
    2. new generation of campus and workplace activists
  2. Strategies for Revitalization
    1. organizing the unorganized, grassroots political action, coalition building, labor-management partnership, union mergers, internal restructuring, international solidarity
    2. most based on rank and file mobilization
    3. find other groups to support campaigns
    4. may require a broader society-wide movement upsurge, not just movement unionism
  3. Organizational change
    1. 1930s movement --> 1970s service --> ‘90s/2000s movement again?
    2. lost political power (and labor law reforms) because could not mobilize
    3. larger, BROADER societal movement can break down obstacles more easily than just movement unionism can
  4. US unionism missed the revitalizing aspects of 1960s movements, why?
    1. unions became increasingly narrow, member-oriented organizations, thus lost broader social justice outlook
    2. anticommunism
    3. missed movements (not always entirely missed):
      1. Civil Rights
        1. supported legislation
        2. but many skilled jobs excluded minorities
        3. leaders kept status quo, didn’t force in minorities so as to not lose support of current members
      2. women’s movement
        1. not interested in organizing clerical workers
        2. authors say some, conservative leaders had desire to quell ‘women’s liberation’
      3. anti-war
        1. anti-communist stance meant pro-war
        2. labor foreign policy funding came from State Dept, demanded anti-Red stance
        3. construction workers beating up anti-war kids
        4. my idea:  a few generational differences?
        5. young activists came to see unions as obstacles, not allies
      4. environmental movement
        1. thought this = attacks on union jobs
    4. as movements focused on government policy, unions able to cordon themselves off from movements, insulate
    5. one counter-example is public sector, where there was great union growth
    6. but now people who cut their teeth in social movements are back to help unions
      1. BUT WHY? if they were so alienated by unions, as suggested by authors above
  5. Democratic friends in Congress as a vestige of business unionism! interesting idea
  6. unions shift resources into organizing
  7. social movements once changed workplace institutions (1930s)
    1. hope is the same thing can happen again, change institutions that are hurting workers...
    2. which in turn will revitalize the labor movement
    3. and will also combat inequality (social and economic)
  8. lit they draw on
    1. strategic choice lit:  1980s anti-unionism was possible because unions were so weak (Kochan, Katz, McKersie 1986)
    2. new institutionalism: institutions shape behavior
      1. unions lulled into false sense of security
      2. meanwhile, employers trying to innovate, avoid unions
    3. social movement:  soc mov chape institutions
  9. prospects:
    1. organizing more people
    2. but density rate still falling
    3. some success on political front (Clinton)
    4. but many political “wins” are defensive, others indirect (e.g. minimum wage increase)
    5. Battle in Seattle impressive!
    6. MUCH ACTIVITY, MIXED RESULTS

Paul Johnston “Organizing for What?”
  • two arguments
    • labor movements vary across the kind of employment relations and historical circumstances they are within
    • labor movements are an appeal to citizenship, i.e. a position and behavior in public institutions
  • Diversity in employment styles (sevice, public, etc.)
    • these patterns of employment diversity tend to coincide with and are reinforced by racial , ethnic, gender diversity
  • labor movement should not just be interested in the outcome for a particular bargaining unit, but for the status and future of a community
  • citizenship, then, offers a unifying social movement frame
    • six types of citizenship:  civil, political, social, educational (affect all); economic citizenship is in perpetual tension with capitalism; cultural identity/citizenship cuts across all of these
    • all of these combine to be “civic regime”
    • movements can unite on citizenship, can use any of these types of citizenship to connect movement to larger ‘family’ of citizenship movements
  • Citizenship becomes very complex as move to global level, BUT all action done at local, community level
    • “what kind of community do we want to live in”

Dorothy Sue Cobble “Lost ways of Unionism”

  1. Try to do occupational unionism as opposed to just industrial unionism
    1. better model when worker identity is mostly horizontal (i.e. cross-firm) than vertical (i.e. with a single firm, ILM, etc)
    2. Replaces “mgmt. disciplines and union grieves” with ‘peer management” (i.e. worker control of process)
    3. Union/worker run hiring halls
    4. Unions can have trained workers (think IT), and will be a welcome supply of well-trained contingent workers
  2. Labor movement must define its own membership boundaries, don’t just look at NLRB-defined bargaining units
    1. Early AFL represented nonemployees: contractors, self-employed, unemployed
  3. UNIONS must be a vehicle to create humane and more flexible work patterns
  4. Labor movement needs to move beyond contract unionism, broaden definition of what it means to be a union, include community groups in union membership
  5. Service economy as emotional work…workers want to affect rules of employee-customer relationship, not just employee-boss relationship (have bosses let personality of individual employee through, etc.)
    1. Playboy bunny, ‘barmaids’, flight attendants, smile rules examples
  6. Focus on representing both individual and collective interests
    1. Get rid of seniority, start going for across-the-board wage increases


Charles Heckscher “Living with Flexibility
  • Propositions:
    • institutions of worker representation cannot survive unless they are widely perceived as contributing to economic growth as well as social justice.
    • unions can only succeed if they essentially contribute to good management
  • But managers have to realize that anti-unionism is likely not in their best interest, is a too-personal view of “what is best for a company
  • Flexibility is not a passing fad!
  • But consumers more and more want personalized goods as well, so skill is demanded
  • Companies don’t want to provide benefits anymore, what to do?
    • Turn back the clock!  Not likely
    • Need a model that will allow that employees will be more mobile, less tied to one company
      • less fear and subordination
      • greater employee participation in defining work
      • personal improvement (skills)
      • mentoring, help getting used to mobility for ‘ees
  • unions need to start going for benefits, etc that work for mobile employees
  • also, still be able to push back against employers (publicity, lawsuits, financial pressure=using investment of pension funds as bargaining chip…need to figure out how to do this with individual funds)
  • need to make sure union doesn’t just become a service provider (again), and that there is some community aspect to it

Katz, Afterword, “Whither the American Labor Movement”
  • claims of social movement unionism, BUT no evidence that either workers or unions have changed their political preferences