Wednesday, October 22, 2014

Gindin 2011

Gindin, Julián. 2011. "La Tradición Sindical y la Explicación de las Prácticas Sindicales: Conclusiones de una Comparición Internacional Sobre los Docentes delSecotr Publico." Revista Latinoamericano do Trbalho, año 16 no. 26, 119-143.



  • Introduction
    • comparing Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico throughout the length of the 20th century
    • this article proses the idea of "teacher unionism of the base", which is defined by a gravitation of the unions to the union base (in teachers unions), labor demands as the axis of activity, and open collective conflict with the government (120)
    • this article presents how the union tradition can explain how a union works
  • seven elements go into structural elements of the union (121)
    • political relation with the state
    • expansion and development of education system
    • local work realities
    • ideas of decent employment
    • recruitment of teachers
    • gender
    • social image of the public school and teacher
  • history of the union is also a key part of how/what a union does, as it often informs values and norms of the union
    • its a little bit working class culture, a little bit union history
  • two parts to the idea of "sindicalismo docente de base (122)
    • union base includes leaders whose power is not taken by upper level leaders
    • willingness to have open and strong conflict with, opposition to the government
  • uses critical junctures to compare time periods that aren't actually the same across countries (123)
    • notices three junctures:
    • one, the existence of some sort of group that says it will represent workers (124)
    • two, that group must become the representative of a large base of teachers
    • three, consolidation of sindicalismo docente de la base, where the union is able to free or reorganize itself as independent from the state
  • Critical junctures in teacher union history
    • first, unions in Mex, Arg, Brz form as part of popular mobilization for democracy against the oligarchy (125)
      • for Argentina this was the first radical government, Revolution in Mexico, and jsut before Estada Novo in Brazil (125-126)
      • groups become solid as opposed to small, marginal
      • these weren't necessarily unions, just teachers groups
    • second, these groups became real unions, attached to a base
      • either through state of mobilization of the teachers themselves (127-8)
      • in Mexico it seemed like teachers were mobilizing themselves, but int he end the state was able to impose  union (128)
      • in Argentina Peron started to organize through state, but coup meant that teachers ended up mobilizing themselves
      • Brazil teachers mobilized themselves weakly and failed to consolidate in the face of government repression (128, 130)
    • third, unions serve the base, can count on leaders in the base, are autonomous from government
      • Mex: 1974-83, with CNTE emerging and the SNTE, for the first time, using its power within the SEP to not implement government changes (131-132)
      • for Argentina and Brazil this happened in the 1980s with the return of democracy, both places unions willing to mobilize against the government (132)
      • THE KEY IS A NETWORK OF LEADERS AMONG THE BASE
      • Brazil uniosn join PT, but it becomes unclear if uniosn serve party or vice versa (133)
      • SNTE plays politics, but its clear that union does so as a pragmatic way to gain power, since it doesn't succumb to too many political demands (133)
      • national strikes are rare in Argentina, but happen at the state level depending on union history and political situation (133-4)
  • conclusions
    • union tradition is a mediating factor between teachers demands and union actions (134)
    • union tradition is a legacy of critical junctures, and as such is also... (135)
    • a mechanism of that explains path dependence (135)

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