Wilson 2007

Wilson, Fiona. (2007). "Transcending race? schoolteachers and political militancy in andean peru, 1970-2000." Journal of Latin American Studies, 39(4), 719-746

• In Latin America the school has been important to nation formation since teh 19th century, it is the space for social reproduction, but also the production of the state (719-720)
• education was the way to achieve citizenship (720)
• great lit review on the importance of the state to social formation (719-722)
• "My research in teh Peruvian central sierra in teh 1990s suggested that teachers felt teaching had been reduced to a profession of last resort ad this, in turn, reflected back on their racial identity in that they risked being defined as mestizos of last resort too." (722)
• most teachers in Peru held the mestizo identity partially because they were agents of the staet (725)
• they were expected to be more than teachers, and to perform a host of functions apart from teaching
• they were a civilizing force
• but as members of this civilizing avant garde, teachers have at times organized against the state, and have often been repressed (726)
• SUTEP was founde din 1972, led by Marxist university teachers, held that there was no racism in their ranks (728)
• teachers were very important memebrs of Sendero Luminoso (728-729)
• at times teachers would side with the peasants, especially int eh areas of agrarian reform in the 1970s, because they felt it was an important step in civilizing the indgenous populationj (731-33)
• but then this resulted in teachers being cast out from the white society from which the originally came (733)
• SUTEP became more popular among teachers as teachers began losing status through the massification f their profession (734)
• but this also had the danger of making teachers seem eve less cultured and sophisticated
• 1978 strikes won a few demands, but when the state started to back away from these in 1979, new strike which was repressed and meant teachers working conditions and salaries were reduced (735)
• the union became a haven of mestizaje for the teachers, though outside society branded the union as the opposite, cholos and firebrands
• now teachers became potential subsersives, coudl no longer be trusted to represent the state (736)
• many teachers may have suported Sendero Luminoso, but after the real fighting began many tried to abandon the group and take up a middle space between the state and the Maoists, which was difficult to do given the polarization of society (744)
• teaches who didn't toe the state line were cholos, which disheartened many techers who had become teachers specifically to avoid/overcome this low racial status (745)

McEwan 2002

McEwan, Patrick J. 2002. Public subsidies for private schooling: A comparative analysis of Argentina and Chile. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 4(2), 189-216.

• Uses 1997 data to compare effectiveness of public schools, non religious private schools, and Catholic Schools (189-190)
• Argentina Institutional framework
• government has provided subsidies for the payment of private school teachers since the 1940s, but these were codified in 1958 (190)
• the law says that private schools that charge tuition can get up to an 80% subsidy for teacher pay, free private schools can get 100% (190-191)
• wage subsidies can also based on SES of students (191)
• but this gives a lot of leeway of local authorities, which can result in pure clientelism
• in 1998 21% of primary school students went to private schools (nationally)
• of these 63% are in Catholic school
• in 1998 in private schools:
• 45% of students went to schools with teachers 100% subsidized
• another 28% went to schools with partial subsidies
• leaves 27% with no subsidies
• chile (191-193)
• the hard part in this analysis is the fact that SES and shool type tend to correlate (195)
• in general, without controlling for SES, there are big differences between pub and priv schools (199)
• private schools are more likely ot be in rich neighborhoods (204)
• private school students are less likely to repeat a grade (207)
• results are fairly consistent that Catholic subsidized schools have better outcomes in both arg and chile (208)
• but many of the other results seem to suggest that the differences in schools are based on SES (208)
• hypotheses for explanations: (209-211)
• 
  

Tattersall 2008

Tattersall, Amanda. 2008. "Coalitions and community unionism: Using the term community to explore effective union-community collaboration." Journal of Organizational Change Management 21, no. 4: 415-432.

• definition of community unionism
• community is used as a short-cut for describing community organization (417)
• community describes a group of people with common interests or identities
• community means a place
• thus community unionism has all these bits, can be further named in three ways
• strategy of coalition unionism: coalitions between unions and community groups
• strategy of organizing workers on common identities (418)
• place-based organizing strategies
• two downsides of teh current coalition schlarship:
• there is a tendency to describe practices rather than evaluate them (419)
• too often choose case studies that exemplify good practices rather than conceptualizing key variables to better understand what causes coalition success
• focuses mainly on coalitions between unions and community groups (i.e. preformed groups)

Narodowski 2002

Narodowski, Mariano. 2002. "Socio-economic segregation in the Argentine education system: School choice without vouchers." Compare 32.2: 181-191.

• Argentina has never developed school choice programs, but still experiences a great deal of social segregation in schools (182)
• the way the supply is dfeined gives freedom of choice only to richer people
• historically public schools were part of the building of the nation state, and families' rights to edcuation did not include school choice (183-184)
• some discussion of law 184
• students are expected to go to schools near their houses (184)
• In PBA about 31% go to private school (in 2002) (186)
• in CABA it's about 50% go to private school
• rural school districts hav few public schools in teh first place (187)
• private schools have greater autonomy, while public schools are highly regulated (188)
• this means that hiring teachers is easy in private schools, as is firiing them
• some public schools seem pretty good, and middle class families skirt the rules by trying to get into the good ones by donating to the school of some thing like that (188)
• the poor are essentially condemned to their neighborhood school (189)
• 
  

Beech and Barrenechea 2011

Beech, Jason, and Ignacio Barrenechea. 2011. "Pro-market educational governance: is Argentina a black swan?." Critical Studies in Education 52, no. 3: 279-293.

• Arguemnt of the article: Argentina has not done many pro-market reforms in teh education sector due to the high value Argentine society places on public education (279)
• Some others suggest tha tneoliberalism promotes segregation and social inequalitie (280, citing Puiggros 2010, Zajda 2006)
•  defines neoliberalsim as pro-market forms of governance"
• decentralization is't necessarily pro-market
• the education system in Argentina ha always been centralized (281)
• it was a way to promote homogeneity and national identity
• public schoolswere also important to give middle class access to political and economic power
• public school has a strong history in Argentina, nad has been defined as state-run school as well
• in CABA close to 50% of studetns are in private schools (282)
• some private schoosl receive direct subsidies (19% of federal education budget in 2001 went tstriaght to prvate schools without any public oversight as to what it would be spent on , Gvirzt and Beech 2007)
• in 2010 the state subsidized approx. 70% of private schools, Wolff de Moura and Castro 2002)
• despite lots of rhetoric about the 1993 education reform as being neoliberal, few of the reforms were pro-market, and those that were were either limited or not implemented at all (285-287)
• provincialization changed the locus of power, but provinces still set up basicallly hierarchical, centralized systems (286)
• autonomy plans essnetially faile,d at best just created more bureaucracy (286)
• schools do not manage any funds, salaries and everything are paid idrectly by the state (286)
• "the education system has been the exception to the pro-market logic that dominated the overall ecnomic and social policies of the 1990s" (287)
• but yet they are still suffering the segregation and achievement gap between rich and ppor (288)
• 
  

Jacoby and Nitta 2012

Jacoby, Daniel F., and Keith Nitta. 2011. "The Bellevue Teachers Strike and Its Implications for the Future of Postindustrial Reform Unionism." Educational Policy: 533-563

• Reform unionism: moving away from adversarial relationships, by breaking down barriers between workers and managers, including "management prerogatives" (536)
• in teaching this idea meant organizing around education quality, and professionalism whereby the union would police its own standards (537)
• teachers unions used this to immunize themselves against the critiques of industrial unionism and its adversarialness (537)
• reform teacher unions redefine management and labr such that teachers are uderstood as porfessionals whose particiaption in school governance is essential (538)
• but postindsutrial unionism might just be a panopticon, says some critical theorists (539)
• What they found in Bellevue was that teachers started focusing/bargaining over wages specifically becaues they had no say in teh curriculum, or lost their say there, and without that what's left to bargain over? (547)
• union went from helping promote, taking responsibility for student achievement to demanding a greater role for teachers' invovlement...change from helpful to a bit more advesarial in doing so (553-554)
• 
  

Moore Johnson and Kardos 2000

Moore Johnson, Suan and Susan M Kardos "Reform Bargaining and Its Promise for School Reform"
in

Loveless, Tom. 2000. Conflicting missions. Teachers Unions and Educational Reform The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC.

• reform Bargaining: teachers unions recognizing common interests with schools, working collaboratively with school administrators (8)
• in teh US, there was teh factory model of schooling, which has since been replaced by the professional model of schooling (8-9)
• "Teachers must approach their work as a craft or prfession rather than as routine labor, and schools must be organized to encourage them to do so." (9)
• bureaucracy, union or otherwise, can stifle innovation and make teachres and schools unable to respond to the varied needs of students and communites (11-12)
• but importantly one urban principal once declared that the thick, phone-book size contracts were actually an indictment of past administrations, namely their wilingness to abuse teachers (12)
• industrial bargaining led to better pay and faier, more reasonable work environment, yet they also limited the roels teachers could play, overly supported weak teachers (tenure), etc (17)
• good for dividing resources, bad for facing educational challenges (19)
• negotiators who improved edcuation suggested it was only possible once unions/teachers had already attained bread adn butter items that regulate basic working conditions (25)

never really gets into community, but one could see how industrial bargaining would limit community interaction as well...though reform bargaining may also limit this, if the community isn't specifically invted to be invovled

Narodowski and Nores 2002

Narodowski, Mariano, and Milagros Nores. 2002. "Socio-economic segregation with (without) competitive education policies. A comparative analysis of Argentina and Chile." Comparative Education 38(4): 429-451.

• Argentina is a quasi monopoly while Chile is a quasi market (430)
• trying to figure out why social segmentation happens pretty equally in both chile adn Argentina, despite different education systems (ie former has vouchers) (431)
• chile (423-438)
• some found evidence that private schools were better, but others found that controlling for SES makes this difference go away (436-8)
• might be thaqt the market mechanism has actually brough tparity? (438)
• Argentina
• "After the 1950s, the educational system faced a strong legitimacy loss related to the fact that the system was not able to fulfill its promise of social mobility.\" (441)
• in 1964 subsidies for teacher pay were finally set down in objective parameters (before they were a bit willy nilly), but even still these subsidies can get paid out in clientelistic fashion (441)
• decentralization reforms of 1978 sent primary schools to be under provinces, 1992 was the rest of them and secondary schools.
• "The last thrity years have generated a hyper-regulated impoverished state system coexstient with a highly autonomous and expanded private sector." (442)
• private schools are a state subsidized exit option for students (442)
• decentralization did not change teh form of school regulation, just its locus
• enrollment is highly segmented by income...rich go to private, poor go to public (443)
• Conclusions....nothing big
• the paper suggests that vouchers themselves don't necessarily increase social segmentation in schools, since both countries have it but only Chile has vouchers (447)
• also questions/denies the assumption that SES variables can be taken as independent from school choice variables in quant studies

Katz 1971

Katz, Michael B. 1971. Class, bureaucracy, and schools: The illusion of educational change in America. New York: Praeger University Series.

• schools in the 20th century US have been designed with teh purpose of ulculcating values adn aceptance of the dominant classes...chicldren are taken, processed adn put into generally the same social class as their parents (xviii)
• the system serves the interests of the powerful, so there has been no real need/desire to actually reofrm them (xxiii-xxiv)
• arguemtn of the book is that the educational system was basicallly designed in the 19th century and hasn't been changed in any fundamental way since then

Spring 1972

Spring, Joel H. 1972. Education and the Rise of the Corporate State. Boston: Beacon Press.

• "The coporate image of society turned American schools into the central social institution for the production of men and women who conformed to the needs and expectatins of a corporate and technocratic world" (1)
• the corporate image of society was shared by major interest, business elites, labor unions, and political elites, as a way to deal with rapid indsutrialization and urbanization (1)
• business leaders started on paternalistic labor relations to control working classes, and many of the activities of these programs were later adopted by the education system (22, and chapter 2 as a whole)
• early schools were created to give their parents more times to work, improve home lives (and thus imporve efficiency), and to educate th enext genreations' workers (36-38)
• the school was like a factory (44-45)
• it was argued this was a great way to create a good industrial society...knowledge done by assembly line (45
• "professionalized and bureaucratic control of education became a barrier to establishing the school as a meaningful center of community life in the city. Schools were instruments for shaping community life along lines determined by the expertise of the organizer." (89)
• "the hard shell of bureaucracy provided protection for school systems that were basically hostile to their environments and to large numbers of the people they served (89)
• cmprehensive high school was partially started to push back against specialization of previous schooling, specialization which "threatened the whole goal of training a self-sacrificing and cooperative individual" (108)...schools were places for socializing individuals, but doing so to create good citizens, as teh workplace was a terribly individualizing place, whichi would lead to an atomized, bad society (108-125)
• "the parallels that can be drwn between teh socialization programs of the factory and school are not accidental. Both believed they faced the problem of internal fragmentation and both believed that the new institutions of society required a cooperative individual (124-125)
• "The school is and has been an instrument of social, economic, and political control. It is an institution which consciously plans to turn people into something. Within this framework the school must be viewed as an instrument of power. ... The most important feature of the school in the twentieth century as its role as the major institution for socialization." (149)
• "Schooling not only prepares for the acceptance of control by dominant elites and social structures but also can create a dependence on institutions and expertise." (152)
• 
  

Sullivan 2002

Sullivan, Alice. 20002. "Bourdieu and education: how useful is Bourdieu's theory for researchers?." Netherlands Journal of Social Sciences 38.2: 144-166.

• says habitus is useless, too vague adn vacuous and impossible to use empirically
• lots of researchers have worked on cultural capital ,but they have achieved varying results, mainly due to differences in the wy they operationalize cultural capital (155-163)
• seems liek cultural capital can be helpful, but it is still difficult to tell if the relationshp works as it should, which is:
• cultural capital helps one attain educational credentials which in turn help one attain better position in society (154)
• Bourdieu claims there is a working class habitus that makes working class people more likely to self-select out of education (151, citing Bourdieu and Passeron 1977: 153)
• 
  

Narodowski 2008

Mariano Narodowski, 2008, "School Choice and Quasi-state Monopoly Education Systems in Latin America: The Case of Argentina" 131-144  in Forsey, Martin, Scott Davies, and Geoffrey Walford. 2008. The globalisation of school choice? Oxford: Symposium Books.

• INtroduction
• private schooling has been on teh rise in Argentina, but the beginning of this rise precedes neoliberalism (131-132)
• definition of state monoppoly\ (132-3), lack of autonomy of managers and centralized decisionmaking
• quasi monopoly:
• schools are financed and coordinated by the state, but have autonomy and have to compete for students (133)
• but this is an ideal type, that doesn't exist in LA
• "As I discuss below, Argetnina's and othe Latin American systems have rsponded to the 'quasi' state monopoly by reaching a sort of equilibrium, where having wealthier parents opt out of the public system has allowed the punlic system to spend more dollars per pupil that it could otherwise."
• Privatization of the education system
• urban areas like CABA, Rosario, Cordoba, Mendoza, Tucuman have the largest private enrollment rates, over 50% and at times as high as 70% (135, citing Narodowski 2002)
• 92% of wealthiest fifth of population send kids to private school
• 1966 law that allows the state to fund part or all of teachers' salaries, is only used whena  government doesn't want to pay for infrastructure (135-6)
• CABA has about 50% private school enrollment
• 26.8% of private schools receive 100% teachers salaries
• 23.8% get 70-80% of salaries
• 13.3% private get 40-60% salary
• some studies have found that student test scores are better among private school students, but data is mostly inconsistent and hard to come by (137)
• Key factors in the behavior of families
• thsoe who choose private school seem to see it as fraught with difficulties, shoter school days, lots of strikes, worse supplies, fewer computers (138)
• some studies see choice of private school as a social process of self-segregation
• poor seem dissatisfied with public school, and would send them to private schools if they could (139)
• School Choice in a State Quasi-Monopoly
• it is not a monopoly, because there are so many private schools, but at the same time the other choice is unequally distributed (rich can afford it, poor can't) so it's not exactly a quasi market either
• suggests this quasi monopoly is a reaction by the monopoly to new demands of society (140)
• the quasi monopoly allows the middle and upper classes to fund their own edcuation, while the state can pay for education of the poor (141)
• argues that the poorer sectors do benefit from thsi arrangment because it allows the government to spend more per student than they would if they had to teach everyone

 this is OK, but it's a little funny because it doesn't quite take into account that the middle class can still pay for bettern edcuation...the poor get better scraps, but scraps all the same

Donaire 2012

Donaire, Ricardo. 2012. Los docentes en el siglo XXI: ¿empobrecidos o proletarizados? Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno Editores.

• Introduction
• while education coverage has increased greatly since 1960, we are also seeing more people with precarious work relations (23)
• between 2002 and 2007 22% of protests have included "intellectual" workers, including teachers (23) citing another report
• 2009 Ministry of labor report: 454 000 teachers in the the 5 national teachers unions, 2/3 of which are in CTERA (24)
• teachers have done about 1/4 of all strikes between 1994 and 2008
• check out the "Programa de Investigacion sobre el Movimiento de la Sociedad Argentina
• but traditionally teachers aren't thought of as the working class, yet they are going on stikes and stuff
• the governemnt then and now has tried to delegitmize teachers strikes as an attack on the poor (by the teachers), thereby separating teachers from the identity of "poor" (25)
• ARGUMENT: showing teachers have descended to become a proletariat, but not just because they have a union or don't make as much money as they used to. Rather, this is a larger story abuot how this middle class was turned into a proletariat, and how many other of the middle/intellectual classes are also being turned into proles (25-6)
• chapter 2: theories of proletarianization
• proletarianization as deskilling, Braverman (30-34)
• ideological proletarianization, where proles lose the ability to choose how to do their work, has a lot more to do with proeltarianization of the middle class (Derber)
• teachers are becoming de-skilled due to the number of pre-made lessons and the rules set out by the state that teacher smust follow (37-38)
• but specialization could mean actually GREATER skill for teachers, rather than a deskilling (39)
• then something about ideological proletarianization that i didn't understand...i think it's something about misunderstanding WHY they do work (think they are helping, but actually just recreating classes and their own domination, despite being a middle class)
• chapter 3: lit on what class teachers on in
• generally they are seen as part of the middle classes, in Marxian thought
• some studies note that at teachers are making less money, that poorer people are becoming teachers, but still see teachers as middle class, just not doing as well as they used to (47-49)
• in major part this is happening thanks to precarious contracts, and worsening labor conditions (45-46)
• though some scholars still see teachers as a privileged middle class, relative to workers (47-8)
• but importantly there are lots of teachers who are identified as part of the "new poor" (51), those who lost out (in terms of salary and working conditions) a lot during the 1990s
•  
• in the official classifications, docentes de primaria y secundaria are technical workers, whereas university profs are the only professionals (73)
• teachers make up about 30% of formal wage workers that have professional or technical expertise in the country (74)
• in 2001 CABA teachers were about 55% public, 45% private, rest of the country was more like 76/24 (75-77)
• to decide whether or not teachers are becoming part of the proletariat, subseuquent chapters will look at : living conditions, working conditions, work process, and perceptions of class among teachers (79), going to look at primary and secondary, private and public, did data gathering in 2007 (80)

• Chapter 6: condiciones de vida
• overall this chatper suggests that teachers are getting poorer, even when they come from middle class backgrounds (which most do), but can’t quite prove they are becoming proles (103)
•  chapter 7 working conditions
• a report from 2008 said that 65% (460) of the school buildings in CABA were deteriating, 50 of which were totally ununsable (105)
• 52% were older than 50 yrs (106)
• the poorest neighborhoods tend to have the wrost schools (106
• there is a syndrome or burnout that has affected teachers and been noted by pyschiatrists (107-8)
• tables on precarity 128, 125
• 141-143: teachers are in more precarious work relationships becaues they are being proletarianized
• public school teachers earn less than other public sector workers of similar qualifications, and private school teachers earn even less than that (147-148)
• labor process, chapter 8
• teachers haven’t lost the skills of teaching, their jobs haven’t been deskilled, but they have experiecned a sort of “ideological proletarianization”, where they have lost control o the politics behind what they teach, essentially they seem to be passing on the norms without being able to fight them (152-3
• issues facing teachers in teh classroom, including what to teach, what to do when students don’t care, etc (153-167
• perceptions of teachers of theri class location, chapter 9
• most teachers 59.6% think they are part of middle class, but only 46% think teachrs in general are in middle class...for working class it is 12 and 14% resectively (181)
• 2004 study found 63% thought they were in middle class, but 28% thought working class (182)
• many teachers think strikes are fine to use (186) and about 33% said they would g out with a spontaneous strike, while 11% they wouldn’t and the rest had no opinion (185)
• 58% of teachers suggested that teachers were like “salaried workers”, and thus close to the working class if not exactly a part of it (195)
• sees tehe strike as an important symbol of teachers as working class as opposed to anything else
• history of teachers unions 197-204, with data on memebr #s on 200
• teachers at least seem to be moving closer to identifying with the working class, even if they see themselves as professionals/workers (206), it seems like teachers aren’t actually ebing robbed of their ideologies, but rather their ideologies are moving closer to those that favor the working class (207)
• conclusions
• 60% of teachers can be removed at will (210-211)
• it doesn't seem like teachers have lost control of their work process in a real, fundamental way, but they do have a lot fo expectations about student achievement and subjects taught that is at les enchroaching on these things (214-2158), meaning teachers aren't whollyautonomous
• teachers are being proleatrianized, though they aren't there fullly yet (234-238)

Perazza 2011b

• teachers laws from teh 1950s set up lots of rights/features, icnluding stability in employment, skills training, and good benefits (29)
• ley 13047 states that government would make sure private teachers were paid as much as public school teachers (unclear if this is still in effect) (29)
• the decentralization demanded that the provinces set up their own education systems, and to do so they had to deal with the expectations set up by the laws from the 1950s (30)
• but they also had to do so in the context of a fiscal crisis, so they had to make cuts
• Argentina is an interesting case, as improving teachers careers and working conditions doesn't need to be accompanied by a change in law necessarily (31)
• these norms mean that innovations will basically always result in conflict, so the key is figuring out how to create policies that will allow for innovation but also make it match a norm so that teachers will actually implement it (32)
• three issues to show this
• first, evaluation of teachers
• would be nice to have best practices
• but these things tend to be ignored just to avoid conflict with teachers
• second, teacher capacity
• there is a sort of race to get credentials, but these institutions vary in quality a great deal (33)
• need to have more structured demands of what constitutes improvement in qualifications
• make sure raises are transparent (33)
• when rules are made up but aren't fully explained, these become obstacle to implementation adn measurement (34)
• the state just needs to take a more active role in the education system, set up and define the norms of the industry better! (34)

England 2005

England, P. (2005). "Emerging Theories of Care Work." Annual Review of Sociology, 31, 381-399.

• this article reviews different theories of care work. 
• Gender bias and teh devaluation of care work
• care work is paid poorly because women do it, and women are looked down upon (explicitly or implicitly) in societal norms (382-383)
• the correlation between women being low paid and care work being low paid is seen as an important correlation, though causation is hard to come by (383)
• this can apply to race as well (384-5)
• Care work as a public good
• the idea here is that care work produces public goods, which are by definition udnervalued by the market (385)
• education, e.g., can create more productive workers or people who function within societal rules better, which is a public good (385)
• but it is hard to find direct evidence of this line of theory, since it presumes mistakes in the market which can't really be proven without relying on outside, unprovable reasons (386)
• prisoners of love (389-391)
• if a job has intrinsic benefits, people willaccept less money for doing it (389-90)
• "This perspective suggests an equity problem of taking advantage of altruistic motives.) (390)
• The commodification of emotion: see Hothschild, alienation from one's own emotions (391-2)
• Rejecting the dichotomy between love and money
• other theories implicitly assumes a dichotomy based on gender (women = love and care, men = money) (393)
• this one suggests profit-making or waged labor doesn't necessarily "contaminate" care work/love (393)

Varela 2013

Varela, P. (2013). Los sindicatos en la Argentina kirchnerista. Entre la herencia de los’ 90 y la emergencia de un nuevo sindicalismo de base. Revista Archivos de Historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda, (2), 77-100.

• Introduction
• lots of scholars are suggesting growth of unions in the 2000s is the result of state-driven change in industrial relations (77)
• one problem with this is it overemphasizes the large, national, institutional scale, and ignores the very important role of conflicts and unions at the firm leve: internal commissions and bodies of delegados (77)
• secodn proble, it overemphasizes the polarization between the "new" unionism and the "old" unionism, when in fact these groups lots of similarities and have some ruptures
• the article has three hypotheses for debate:
• the strong recomposition of working class as a social and union thing after 2003 are thanks to the continuing of the exploitation begun in the 1990s (78)
• it is on this contradiction, strong unionism without change in exploitation, that has been teh foundation for strong unionism from the base
• the presents of younger workers and strong Trotskyite influences are altering unionism of the base in important ways
• Contradictions of a return
• the relegitimation of colecltive bargaining and negotiation at the high level has made workers realize how bad their conditions still are, and helped explain why Cristina had an anti-union turn after 2011 (78-9)
• between 2002 and 2004 there were a number of increases in minimum wages, negotiated directly between labor leaders and capital, though started by and arbitrated by the Néstor, these were mainly attempts to soothe people and get them money they lost during devaluations (79)
• 2004 was the real start of re-legit of unions, esp CGT and Hugo Moyano
• this happened due to economic growth, combined with growing union conflict due to the emergence of unionism of the base (80)
• this was new because there were lots of surprise conflicts started and led by delegados and leaders within the base openly against the higher up leadership of the union
• this article suggests that Moyano was helped, becamea  strategic ally of the Ks because unions of the base were already getting strong, and government wanted a way to channel that momentum, not the other way around (81-2)
• until 2011 the formula was crate peer groups and set wage ceilings (82-3)
• this sort of got disrupted in 2007 when the government started messing with statistics to cover up inflation (83)
• AND when unions outside of Moyano's circle started being repressed
• 2009 brought Cristina needing help of Moyano against Ag strike, financial crisis which made inflation go down, and strong conflict of the base at Kraft foods (84)
• this resulted in government not setting a limit on salary negotiations
• Kraft workers continued to fight, and a union thug from the Union Ferrovaria killed a militant from teh Partido Orbrero, whcih revealed the violence used by traditional unions (85)
• After 2011 Cristina began pushing back on unions, undoing some of the thigns that had made unions adn important political representation post-2003
• number of collective contracts went down in 2011
• suggests this happens because of inflation issues, and...
• break between CK and Moyano
• whie there was GDP growth in 2011, it shrank in 2012 (86)
• 2011 elections didn't have a lot of union candidates, but did have a lot of territorial candidates, which was teh start of the rupture between CK and Moyano
• in 2012 this caused a rupture among the major union confederations, ended up with 3 opositoras and 2 oficialistas
• in 2013, docentes demanded a 30% wage increase, and the Ministry of Trabajo arbitrarily closed discussions and just said they woudl get 22%
• since 2003 the growth of union strngth has run into the fact that labor precarity and fragmentation, both begun in 1990s, continues to happen (87)
• Ks made unions stronger at the top, but didn't roll back the gains won by capital during the 1990s
• all fo this came to a head when the economy started having trouble...before then wages could just be increased and keep people relatively happy without rolling back management power
• this is felt most often at the workplace, so conflicts happen at the workplaces more often (88)
• informality and work precarity continues during the 200s (88-89) with DATA
• because collective contracts DON'T talk about flexibilization liek they did in teh 1990s, it is fair to assuem that flexibilization continues (ie CCT shudl have rolled it back!) (90)
• lower unionization rate has more to do with the fact that unions are really engaging with their base (90-1)
• Younger workers aren't necessarily leftist, don't really have a lot of political connections
• but they grew up during the time of the resurgence of lefty groups into social and class struggles (92-3)
• but CTA has statsistics that note thigns like, in 2007, 14% of labor conflicts were undertaken without the presence of unions (93)
• leftist people, members of PTS and others, began winning elections to be delegados (94)
• conclusions
• the basic contradiction of the Ks is the increased power of uniosn whiels working conditions and exploitation remained exactly the same/unchanged (95)
• possible to see some sindicalismo de base as a possibility of unionism outside of Peronism (96)
• the question for the new generation is how to expand unions to include other groups, precariosu workers, desocupados, and how to inegrate lefties into the movement/create a new movement? (96)

Gentili, Suárez, Stubrin, and Gindín 2004

• Introduction
• teachers have gone on strikes a lot in LA recently, as have university students (1252)
• these fights and negotiations happened in places where the economy was in crisis, the education sector wasn't in great shape, and many went through processes of reform to improve education system (1253)
• authors suggest that the conflict over education system is about the fact that many of the reforms were very ambitious and didn't take into account economic crises that came or traditions of the sector
•  these authors want to create an integrated theory about teacher protest, not just assume it's all about salary (1253-4)
• it seems cyclical (1254)
• it's hard to divorce it from larger economic crises that occurred
• but a big part of the problem is that tensions would arise with any reform, but in this case most of the reforms didn't include teachers at all, which provoked greater protest (1256-7)
• the lack of democratic discussion about education reform was a common issue throughout the region (1257)
• Education conflict: creating a definition is theoretically ambitious
• thinking about education conflict as a place for active adn dynamic contestation that creates the agents and strategies of the agents....that is to say, it's not a place of pure reaction due to sructural factors (1258)
• obviously this also means that interests will conflict and will be complex, even within what one might imagine would be a similar group....it's economic and poltiical but also has to do with cultural and psychology of a person/group
• aha....1257-1260 is sort of relating the various theories of social conflict, transplanting them to education a bit, and then saying the authors are going to look across LA to see which themes come up most often (1260)
• 1998-2003: a chronology of union action around education reforms in LA
• education reform processes have generated a lot of conflict in LA, pretty much across the board, though reactions to this conflict have differed (1261)
• 863 conflicts during this time, 40% of which were started by base-level unions (1262)
• during this time 54% of the conflicts were aimed at teh central government, while 31% were at provincial governments (the latter usually from decentralized education systems
• none were exclusively against private schools!
• private school unions tend to be less combatitive
• when they are combative, it's usually as part of larger confederations that are dominated (in numbers) by public school teachers (1263)
• private-school battles are usually very small and circumscribed
• most often working conditions and salary are basically set by the state anyway, so it makes more sense to go after government, and to do so you need lots of help, not just private sector (1263)
• Argentina had the most conflict, with 1491 days lost in this time period (1264)
• data! (1265)
• the reforms were not undertaken in a democratic way, which resulted in higher levels of conflict, though all the governments who undertook these reforms were certainly democratically elected (for the most part) (1266)
• of the actiosn taken
• 79% had labor demands
• 28% were based on larger demands of education politics, like those against decentralization
• 12% were against teh political system en total
• usually salary demands were linked to larger, more theoretical demands
• teachers strikes have a very high level of adhesion in teh region (1266-7)
• unions led practically all the manifestations, and a lot of them included wage/pay demands (1268)
• Conclusions
• much of the traditions and norms of education and education politics were greatly changed by the reforms across LA, and they did so with very little consultation with the teachers (1269)
• this resulted in a lot of conflcit aroudn education, which tended to become the center of even larger social conflcits (1270)
• 
  

Martins 2013

Martins, Nicolás Horacio. "POLÍTICAS EDUCATIVAS ARGENTINAS DESDE 2003: BUENAS INTENCIONES, IMPLEMENTACIÓN DEFICIENTE." Atlante: Cuadernos de Educacion y Desarollo, 2e epoca, http://atlante.eumed.net/2013/01/ wesbite not a journal

• Question: why didn't the education system in Argentina get better after 2003?
• Argument: though all the reforms were well-intended, some of the reforms were just symbolic while others didn't have enough institutional capactiy to enforce (2)
• reforms (2):
• 2004: miminum number of class days plus better pay for teaches
• 2005: techincial schools were improved and got better funding
• 2006: school funding slowly went from 4% of GDP to 6% by 2010
• # of years of obligatory school went from 10 to 13
• and set up 30% of schools to focus just on improving eduational outcomes of the poorest classes
• but with all of these refrosm adn more spending, education outcomes still not great
• between 2003 and 2012 private school population has grown 25% and public primary education population has dropped 5%
•  some of the new ideas just aren't surrounded by the other sorts of policies they need to work...like the # of days in school, without quality teachers and other things, isn't really helpful...no proof that these policies are designed to work, much less will work (3)
• yearly the national government will negotiate the minimum salary for teachers, but only provide 9% of the mone to pay teacher salaries (citing IDESA 2011) (5) may be a logical fallacy here, they pay up to the minimum, but which is 9% of salary maybe?
• 75% of teacher salary is NOT based on meritocracy (5) (citing LLach 2013)
• the high level of conflict between local officials and the unions has also hurt implementation (5-6)
• conclusions:
• reforms don't have a sound theoretical abas, for example there's not proof throwing money at a problem will help (6)
• there has been a big divide between the goals of the reforms and the hierarchical actions of the various levels of government (6)
• he argues decentralization should be deepened, and real statistics should be kept on performance (6-7)

Donaire 2006

Donaire, Ricardo. 2006. "Trabajo docente:¿ servicio o fuerza de trabajo? Algunas reflexiones a partir de un ejercicio empírico." Educere 10.35: 561-660.

• this is a lot like a simplified version of the 2012 book
• is there evidence of teachers being in a "reduced" (less well paid) middle class, or descending to becoming part of the proletariat? (652)
• in 2001 there were more than 640,000 teachers (652)
• theory on what determines proletarianization, see 2012 (652-653)
• there seems to be a reserve labor force that could be teachers, that is to say, they have the minimum qualificacions or more, but its a hetergenous group, so its unclear if they are truly a reserve army of laborers for capitalists to use to replace teachers (654)
• lots of data from 2001

Narodowski, Moschetti and Silvina 2013

Narodowski, Mariano; Moschetti, Mauro y Alegre Silvina. “Radiografía de las huelgas docentes en la Argentina: Conflicto laboral y privatización de la

educación”. Documento de Trabajo [Área de Educación, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos Aires]: 2013: 1 - 18

• looking to see how and if teachers strikes actually affect the education system (3)
• have a count of strikes, don't have days lost for strike, but do have individuals' days lost for the cause of strikes (5)
• in comparison to other sectors, teachers strike a lot! (public and private put together are 37% of all strikes nationwide between 2006 and 2012
• and if you include non-teaching education workers it becomes 51%
• but there are LOTS of teachers as well, so that's boosting the numbers (6)
• Law 25.864 limits teacher strikes to 180 days per year, but obivously thisw law has been utterly ineffective, since teachers have gone on almost 3 million strike days per year between 2006-12 (7)
• lots of variation of strike days by province (8)
• shows that labor conflict with teachers is more of a provincial problem than a national one
• mroe often than not state teachers go on strike way more often than private sector teachers (8-9)
• there has been a growth in private school enrollment, not massive, but it seems bigger because, for the first time in history, it is causing a net loss in enrollments in public schools (citing another Narodowski)(10)
• at the national level, in broad terms, there doesn't seem to be a relationship between strike days and enrollments (grafico 4, 11)
• BUT ME: if you lag it a year, it might look closer...
• grafico 5 shows there isn't any obvious relationship between strike days and private school growth by province either (12)
• another model shows that the growth of number of total students, and funding levels have an effect of whether students go private or public, but strike days lost does NOT (14)
• Conclusions
• there is no edvidence that teacher strikes have an effect on students going to private schools instead of public ones (15)
• it could still be that families would prefer private school over public school due to teachers strikes, but the statistical evidence shows that if people hold this opinion they don't (or can't) act on it
• but public schools still have a bad institutional image as "closed schools"...need to fight this image (16)

Betancur 2008

Bentancur, Nicolás. 2008. "La nueva agenda de las políticas educativas en el Cono Sur (Argentina, Chile y Uruguay 2005-2008)." Revista Debates 2.2: 272-298.

• Introduction
• reforms of the 1990s tended to
• involve centralization of curriculum creation, but decentralization of administration (273)
• schemes of "positive discrimination" in favor of the poor
• introduction of business ideas into education
• expansion of the role of families and businesses in education
• Argentina: decentalization of secondary teachings and teacher training (273-4)
• Chile: introduction/perfection of market regulation of education (275)
• Uruguay: maintained the national state as central head of education
• recently all these countries have begun to talk/change these reforms again, thanks to left of center governmetns (274)
• Argentina
• 2006 law came out of Néstor having a big open discussion with large numbers of people in society (275)
•  2006 law rescinded parts of 1993 law, resulted in
• returning federal state as the guarantor of access to and right of education (276)
• made secondary school obligatory, and created systemwhere provinces can choose to do 6 years each of primary and secodnary, ot 7 and 5 (respectively)
• created a Consejo Federal de Educacion, with consultative councils that include teachers (276-7)
• this reform didn't roll back decentalization totally (277)
• nor did it end the financing of private education
• CTERA like this reform, law included a lot of things that CTERA suggested should be in there, and it got a lot of things it has watned for a while, like (278)
• declaration that education is a right and should be free
• growth of financing of schools to 6% GDP (PBI)
• the right to free teacher training
• the right of colelctive negotiation at the provincial AND national level
• Catholic schools were also a fan of the bill (279), more or less
• Chile
• student protests in 2005 demanded free schooling and transportation to school (280)
• teachers eventually joined protests and there was a national strike
• there was a council to solve these issues, that woudl include students, but at first it was stalled because students became a bit radicalized, and strike grew as more social groups joined the students' cause (280-1)
• once the council finally got together, including social groups, parties, and student representatives, it became clear that everyoen was unhappy, but great divergence in ideas on how to fix the system...some wanted more martket, some wanted less (281)
• Colegio de Profesores, union, was with the students (282) they wanted more centralization, better pay, shorter hours
• on the other end of the spectrum, private schools wanted fewer laws, more flexibility
• teachers groups did make some deamdns on private schools, not that thy be nationalized, but at least that they would be regulated more closely, including their entrance requirements (284)
• government in Chile did not try to replace the private system set up by Pinochet and perfected in the 1990s, but it dis try to smooth out some of the issues with it, make it a bit more equitable (286-287)
• Uruguay
• new law in teh 1990s didn't change tehcentalized, hierarchical nature of education, but was undertaken without any input from social groups, and the unions were against it, so a new law in the 2000s with the new left government was likely (287-8)
• the government convened a large Congress to figure out the new education law, parties were not allowed to be involved, only social actors, though unions were allowed and they tended to hav ea large say in the matter (288-290)
• new law reaffirmed much of old law, and said that funding could not go below 6% GDP (292)
• created autonomy and co-governance of schools by parents, teachers, students, and administrators (293)
• Conclusion: is there a new paradigm of education politics in teh Southern Cone?
• none of these reofrms were massive changes, refoundations (294)
• non of the reforms really chagne public/private relationship in their country (295)
• all reformers seem preoccupied with making the porcess inclusive of social actors
• teachers and students growing in power, technocrats and private sector losing power
• see tables on page 296 for some quick conclusions