de la Garza Toledo 2005

Introduction, 9-17 in


de la Garza Toledo, Enrique. 2005. Sindicatos Y Nuevos Movimientos Sociales En América Latina. 1. ed. Buenos Aires, Argentina: CLACSO.

• the strict definition is that conditions, experience, and demands  of work are the things that create "work subjects", ie a work identity for a worker (15)
• but what we actually need is a broader conception of the creation of identities at work, including workers who work in noncapitalist enterprises, and times spent NOT at a workplace
• for example, the idea of desocupados is both a work subject, but one disconnected from work itself...demands aren't made against a boss, but against a society with a deep divide between winners and losers
• we can't just look at one world, e.g. the work world, to understand teh genesis of collective action, have to see the multiple influences and demands that build inside and out of work (16)
• 
  

Marx!

Communist manifesto, in the Reader
"The Communists have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class" (487), originally from the Communist Manifesto

they plan to do lots of things, including; ..."free education for all children in public schools." (490)

Wilson 2007

Wilson, Fiona. (2007). "Transcending race? schoolteachers and political militancy in andean peru, 1970-2000." Journal of Latin American Studies, 39(4), 719-746

• In Latin America the school has been important to nation formation since teh 19th century, it is the space for social reproduction, but also the production of the state (719-720)
• education was the way to achieve citizenship (720)
• great lit review on the importance of the state to social formation (719-722)
• "My research in teh Peruvian central sierra in teh 1990s suggested that teachers felt teaching had been reduced to a profession of last resort ad this, in turn, reflected back on their racial identity in that they risked being defined as mestizos of last resort too." (722)
• most teachers in Peru held the mestizo identity partially because they were agents of the staet (725)
• they were expected to be more than teachers, and to perform a host of functions apart from teaching
• they were a civilizing force
• but as members of this civilizing avant garde, teachers have at times organized against the state, and have often been repressed (726)
• SUTEP was founde din 1972, led by Marxist university teachers, held that there was no racism in their ranks (728)
• teachers were very important memebrs of Sendero Luminoso (728-729)
• at times teachers would side with the peasants, especially int eh areas of agrarian reform in the 1970s, because they felt it was an important step in civilizing the indgenous populationj (731-33)
• but then this resulted in teachers being cast out from the white society from which the originally came (733)
• SUTEP became more popular among teachers as teachers began losing status through the massification f their profession (734)
• but this also had the danger of making teachers seem eve less cultured and sophisticated
• 1978 strikes won a few demands, but when the state started to back away from these in 1979, new strike which was repressed and meant teachers working conditions and salaries were reduced (735)
• the union became a haven of mestizaje for the teachers, though outside society branded the union as the opposite, cholos and firebrands
• now teachers became potential subsersives, coudl no longer be trusted to represent the state (736)
• many teachers may have suported Sendero Luminoso, but after the real fighting began many tried to abandon the group and take up a middle space between the state and the Maoists, which was difficult to do given the polarization of society (744)
• teaches who didn't toe the state line were cholos, which disheartened many techers who had become teachers specifically to avoid/overcome this low racial status (745)

McEwan 2002

McEwan, Patrick J. 2002. Public subsidies for private schooling: A comparative analysis of Argentina and Chile. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 4(2), 189-216.

• Uses 1997 data to compare effectiveness of public schools, non religious private schools, and Catholic Schools (189-190)
• Argentina Institutional framework
• government has provided subsidies for the payment of private school teachers since the 1940s, but these were codified in 1958 (190)
• the law says that private schools that charge tuition can get up to an 80% subsidy for teacher pay, free private schools can get 100% (190-191)
• wage subsidies can also based on SES of students (191)
• but this gives a lot of leeway of local authorities, which can result in pure clientelism
• in 1998 21% of primary school students went to private schools (nationally)
• of these 63% are in Catholic school
• in 1998 in private schools:
• 45% of students went to schools with teachers 100% subsidized
• another 28% went to schools with partial subsidies
• leaves 27% with no subsidies
• chile (191-193)
• the hard part in this analysis is the fact that SES and shool type tend to correlate (195)
• in general, without controlling for SES, there are big differences between pub and priv schools (199)
• private schools are more likely ot be in rich neighborhoods (204)
• private school students are less likely to repeat a grade (207)
• results are fairly consistent that Catholic subsidized schools have better outcomes in both arg and chile (208)
• but many of the other results seem to suggest that the differences in schools are based on SES (208)
• hypotheses for explanations: (209-211)
• 
  

Tattersall 2008

Tattersall, Amanda. 2008. "Coalitions and community unionism: Using the term community to explore effective union-community collaboration." Journal of Organizational Change Management 21, no. 4: 415-432.

• definition of community unionism
• community is used as a short-cut for describing community organization (417)
• community describes a group of people with common interests or identities
• community means a place
• thus community unionism has all these bits, can be further named in three ways
• strategy of coalition unionism: coalitions between unions and community groups
• strategy of organizing workers on common identities (418)
• place-based organizing strategies
• two downsides of teh current coalition schlarship:
• there is a tendency to describe practices rather than evaluate them (419)
• too often choose case studies that exemplify good practices rather than conceptualizing key variables to better understand what causes coalition success
• focuses mainly on coalitions between unions and community groups (i.e. preformed groups)

Narodowski 2002

Narodowski, Mariano. 2002. "Socio-economic segregation in the Argentine education system: School choice without vouchers." Compare 32.2: 181-191.

• Argentina has never developed school choice programs, but still experiences a great deal of social segregation in schools (182)
• the way the supply is dfeined gives freedom of choice only to richer people
• historically public schools were part of the building of the nation state, and families' rights to edcuation did not include school choice (183-184)
• some discussion of law 184
• students are expected to go to schools near their houses (184)
• In PBA about 31% go to private school (in 2002) (186)
• in CABA it's about 50% go to private school
• rural school districts hav few public schools in teh first place (187)
• private schools have greater autonomy, while public schools are highly regulated (188)
• this means that hiring teachers is easy in private schools, as is firiing them
• some public schools seem pretty good, and middle class families skirt the rules by trying to get into the good ones by donating to the school of some thing like that (188)
• the poor are essentially condemned to their neighborhood school (189)
• 
  

Beech and Barrenechea 2011

Beech, Jason, and Ignacio Barrenechea. 2011. "Pro-market educational governance: is Argentina a black swan?." Critical Studies in Education 52, no. 3: 279-293.

• Arguemnt of the article: Argentina has not done many pro-market reforms in teh education sector due to the high value Argentine society places on public education (279)
• Some others suggest tha tneoliberalism promotes segregation and social inequalitie (280, citing Puiggros 2010, Zajda 2006)
•  defines neoliberalsim as pro-market forms of governance"
• decentralization is't necessarily pro-market
• the education system in Argentina ha always been centralized (281)
• it was a way to promote homogeneity and national identity
• public schoolswere also important to give middle class access to political and economic power
• public school has a strong history in Argentina, nad has been defined as state-run school as well
• in CABA close to 50% of studetns are in private schools (282)
• some private schoosl receive direct subsidies (19% of federal education budget in 2001 went tstriaght to prvate schools without any public oversight as to what it would be spent on , Gvirzt and Beech 2007)
• in 2010 the state subsidized approx. 70% of private schools, Wolff de Moura and Castro 2002)
• despite lots of rhetoric about the 1993 education reform as being neoliberal, few of the reforms were pro-market, and those that were were either limited or not implemented at all (285-287)
• provincialization changed the locus of power, but provinces still set up basicallly hierarchical, centralized systems (286)
• autonomy plans essnetially faile,d at best just created more bureaucracy (286)
• schools do not manage any funds, salaries and everything are paid idrectly by the state (286)
• "the education system has been the exception to the pro-market logic that dominated the overall ecnomic and social policies of the 1990s" (287)
• but yet they are still suffering the segregation and achievement gap between rich and ppor (288)
• 
  

Jacoby and Nitta 2012

Jacoby, Daniel F., and Keith Nitta. 2011. "The Bellevue Teachers Strike and Its Implications for the Future of Postindustrial Reform Unionism." Educational Policy: 533-563

• Reform unionism: moving away from adversarial relationships, by breaking down barriers between workers and managers, including "management prerogatives" (536)
• in teaching this idea meant organizing around education quality, and professionalism whereby the union would police its own standards (537)
• teachers unions used this to immunize themselves against the critiques of industrial unionism and its adversarialness (537)
• reform teacher unions redefine management and labr such that teachers are uderstood as porfessionals whose particiaption in school governance is essential (538)
• but postindsutrial unionism might just be a panopticon, says some critical theorists (539)
• What they found in Bellevue was that teachers started focusing/bargaining over wages specifically becaues they had no say in teh curriculum, or lost their say there, and without that what's left to bargain over? (547)
• union went from helping promote, taking responsibility for student achievement to demanding a greater role for teachers' invovlement...change from helpful to a bit more advesarial in doing so (553-554)
• 
  

Moore Johnson and Kardos 2000

Moore Johnson, Suan and Susan M Kardos "Reform Bargaining and Its Promise for School Reform"
in

Loveless, Tom. 2000. Conflicting missions. Teachers Unions and Educational Reform The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC.

• reform Bargaining: teachers unions recognizing common interests with schools, working collaboratively with school administrators (8)
• in teh US, there was teh factory model of schooling, which has since been replaced by the professional model of schooling (8-9)
• "Teachers must approach their work as a craft or prfession rather than as routine labor, and schools must be organized to encourage them to do so." (9)
• bureaucracy, union or otherwise, can stifle innovation and make teachres and schools unable to respond to the varied needs of students and communites (11-12)
• but importantly one urban principal once declared that the thick, phone-book size contracts were actually an indictment of past administrations, namely their wilingness to abuse teachers (12)
• industrial bargaining led to better pay and faier, more reasonable work environment, yet they also limited the roels teachers could play, overly supported weak teachers (tenure), etc (17)
• good for dividing resources, bad for facing educational challenges (19)
• negotiators who improved edcuation suggested it was only possible once unions/teachers had already attained bread adn butter items that regulate basic working conditions (25)

never really gets into community, but one could see how industrial bargaining would limit community interaction as well...though reform bargaining may also limit this, if the community isn't specifically invted to be invovled

Narodowski and Nores 2002

Narodowski, Mariano, and Milagros Nores. 2002. "Socio-economic segregation with (without) competitive education policies. A comparative analysis of Argentina and Chile." Comparative Education 38(4): 429-451.

• Argentina is a quasi monopoly while Chile is a quasi market (430)
• trying to figure out why social segmentation happens pretty equally in both chile adn Argentina, despite different education systems (ie former has vouchers) (431)
• chile (423-438)
• some found evidence that private schools were better, but others found that controlling for SES makes this difference go away (436-8)
• might be thaqt the market mechanism has actually brough tparity? (438)
• Argentina
• "After the 1950s, the educational system faced a strong legitimacy loss related to the fact that the system was not able to fulfill its promise of social mobility.\" (441)
• in 1964 subsidies for teacher pay were finally set down in objective parameters (before they were a bit willy nilly), but even still these subsidies can get paid out in clientelistic fashion (441)
• decentralization reforms of 1978 sent primary schools to be under provinces, 1992 was the rest of them and secondary schools.
• "The last thrity years have generated a hyper-regulated impoverished state system coexstient with a highly autonomous and expanded private sector." (442)
• private schools are a state subsidized exit option for students (442)
• decentralization did not change teh form of school regulation, just its locus
• enrollment is highly segmented by income...rich go to private, poor go to public (443)
• Conclusions....nothing big
• the paper suggests that vouchers themselves don't necessarily increase social segmentation in schools, since both countries have it but only Chile has vouchers (447)
• also questions/denies the assumption that SES variables can be taken as independent from school choice variables in quant studies

Katz 1971

Katz, Michael B. 1971. Class, bureaucracy, and schools: The illusion of educational change in America. New York: Praeger University Series.

• schools in the 20th century US have been designed with teh purpose of ulculcating values adn aceptance of the dominant classes...chicldren are taken, processed adn put into generally the same social class as their parents (xviii)
• the system serves the interests of the powerful, so there has been no real need/desire to actually reofrm them (xxiii-xxiv)
• arguemtn of the book is that the educational system was basicallly designed in the 19th century and hasn't been changed in any fundamental way since then

Spring 1972

Spring, Joel H. 1972. Education and the Rise of the Corporate State. Boston: Beacon Press.

• "The coporate image of society turned American schools into the central social institution for the production of men and women who conformed to the needs and expectatins of a corporate and technocratic world" (1)
• the corporate image of society was shared by major interest, business elites, labor unions, and political elites, as a way to deal with rapid indsutrialization and urbanization (1)
• business leaders started on paternalistic labor relations to control working classes, and many of the activities of these programs were later adopted by the education system (22, and chapter 2 as a whole)
• early schools were created to give their parents more times to work, improve home lives (and thus imporve efficiency), and to educate th enext genreations' workers (36-38)
• the school was like a factory (44-45)
• it was argued this was a great way to create a good industrial society...knowledge done by assembly line (45
• "professionalized and bureaucratic control of education became a barrier to establishing the school as a meaningful center of community life in the city. Schools were instruments for shaping community life along lines determined by the expertise of the organizer." (89)
• "the hard shell of bureaucracy provided protection for school systems that were basically hostile to their environments and to large numbers of the people they served (89)
• cmprehensive high school was partially started to push back against specialization of previous schooling, specialization which "threatened the whole goal of training a self-sacrificing and cooperative individual" (108)...schools were places for socializing individuals, but doing so to create good citizens, as teh workplace was a terribly individualizing place, whichi would lead to an atomized, bad society (108-125)
• "the parallels that can be drwn between teh socialization programs of the factory and school are not accidental. Both believed they faced the problem of internal fragmentation and both believed that the new institutions of society required a cooperative individual (124-125)
• "The school is and has been an instrument of social, economic, and political control. It is an institution which consciously plans to turn people into something. Within this framework the school must be viewed as an instrument of power. ... The most important feature of the school in the twentieth century as its role as the major institution for socialization." (149)
• "Schooling not only prepares for the acceptance of control by dominant elites and social structures but also can create a dependence on institutions and expertise." (152)
• 
  

Sullivan 2002

Sullivan, Alice. 20002. "Bourdieu and education: how useful is Bourdieu's theory for researchers?." Netherlands Journal of Social Sciences 38.2: 144-166.

• says habitus is useless, too vague adn vacuous and impossible to use empirically
• lots of researchers have worked on cultural capital ,but they have achieved varying results, mainly due to differences in the wy they operationalize cultural capital (155-163)
• seems liek cultural capital can be helpful, but it is still difficult to tell if the relationshp works as it should, which is:
• cultural capital helps one attain educational credentials which in turn help one attain better position in society (154)
• Bourdieu claims there is a working class habitus that makes working class people more likely to self-select out of education (151, citing Bourdieu and Passeron 1977: 153)
• 
  

Narodowski 2008

Mariano Narodowski, 2008, "School Choice and Quasi-state Monopoly Education Systems in Latin America: The Case of Argentina" 131-144  in Forsey, Martin, Scott Davies, and Geoffrey Walford. 2008. The globalisation of school choice? Oxford: Symposium Books.

• INtroduction
• private schooling has been on teh rise in Argentina, but the beginning of this rise precedes neoliberalism (131-132)
• definition of state monoppoly\ (132-3), lack of autonomy of managers and centralized decisionmaking
• quasi monopoly:
• schools are financed and coordinated by the state, but have autonomy and have to compete for students (133)
• but this is an ideal type, that doesn't exist in LA
• "As I discuss below, Argetnina's and othe Latin American systems have rsponded to the 'quasi' state monopoly by reaching a sort of equilibrium, where having wealthier parents opt out of the public system has allowed the punlic system to spend more dollars per pupil that it could otherwise."
• Privatization of the education system
• urban areas like CABA, Rosario, Cordoba, Mendoza, Tucuman have the largest private enrollment rates, over 50% and at times as high as 70% (135, citing Narodowski 2002)
• 92% of wealthiest fifth of population send kids to private school
• 1966 law that allows the state to fund part or all of teachers' salaries, is only used whena  government doesn't want to pay for infrastructure (135-6)
• CABA has about 50% private school enrollment
• 26.8% of private schools receive 100% teachers salaries
• 23.8% get 70-80% of salaries
• 13.3% private get 40-60% salary
• some studies have found that student test scores are better among private school students, but data is mostly inconsistent and hard to come by (137)
• Key factors in the behavior of families
• thsoe who choose private school seem to see it as fraught with difficulties, shoter school days, lots of strikes, worse supplies, fewer computers (138)
• some studies see choice of private school as a social process of self-segregation
• poor seem dissatisfied with public school, and would send them to private schools if they could (139)
• School Choice in a State Quasi-Monopoly
• it is not a monopoly, because there are so many private schools, but at the same time the other choice is unequally distributed (rich can afford it, poor can't) so it's not exactly a quasi market either
• suggests this quasi monopoly is a reaction by the monopoly to new demands of society (140)
• the quasi monopoly allows the middle and upper classes to fund their own edcuation, while the state can pay for education of the poor (141)
• argues that the poorer sectors do benefit from thsi arrangment because it allows the government to spend more per student than they would if they had to teach everyone

 this is OK, but it's a little funny because it doesn't quite take into account that the middle class can still pay for bettern edcuation...the poor get better scraps, but scraps all the same

Donaire 2012

Donaire, Ricardo. 2012. Los docentes en el siglo XXI: ¿empobrecidos o proletarizados? Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno Editores.

• Introduction
• while education coverage has increased greatly since 1960, we are also seeing more people with precarious work relations (23)
• between 2002 and 2007 22% of protests have included "intellectual" workers, including teachers (23) citing another report
• 2009 Ministry of labor report: 454 000 teachers in the the 5 national teachers unions, 2/3 of which are in CTERA (24)
• teachers have done about 1/4 of all strikes between 1994 and 2008
• check out the "Programa de Investigacion sobre el Movimiento de la Sociedad Argentina
• but traditionally teachers aren't thought of as the working class, yet they are going on stikes and stuff
• the governemnt then and now has tried to delegitmize teachers strikes as an attack on the poor (by the teachers), thereby separating teachers from the identity of "poor" (25)
• ARGUMENT: showing teachers have descended to become a proletariat, but not just because they have a union or don't make as much money as they used to. Rather, this is a larger story abuot how this middle class was turned into a proletariat, and how many other of the middle/intellectual classes are also being turned into proles (25-6)
• chapter 2: theories of proletarianization
• proletarianization as deskilling, Braverman (30-34)
• ideological proletarianization, where proles lose the ability to choose how to do their work, has a lot more to do with proeltarianization of the middle class (Derber)
• teachers are becoming de-skilled due to the number of pre-made lessons and the rules set out by the state that teacher smust follow (37-38)
• but specialization could mean actually GREATER skill for teachers, rather than a deskilling (39)
• then something about ideological proletarianization that i didn't understand...i think it's something about misunderstanding WHY they do work (think they are helping, but actually just recreating classes and their own domination, despite being a middle class)
• chapter 3: lit on what class teachers on in
• generally they are seen as part of the middle classes, in Marxian thought
• some studies note that at teachers are making less money, that poorer people are becoming teachers, but still see teachers as middle class, just not doing as well as they used to (47-49)
• in major part this is happening thanks to precarious contracts, and worsening labor conditions (45-46)
• though some scholars still see teachers as a privileged middle class, relative to workers (47-8)
• but importantly there are lots of teachers who are identified as part of the "new poor" (51), those who lost out (in terms of salary and working conditions) a lot during the 1990s
•  
• in the official classifications, docentes de primaria y secundaria are technical workers, whereas university profs are the only professionals (73)
• teachers make up about 30% of formal wage workers that have professional or technical expertise in the country (74)
• in 2001 CABA teachers were about 55% public, 45% private, rest of the country was more like 76/24 (75-77)
• to decide whether or not teachers are becoming part of the proletariat, subseuquent chapters will look at : living conditions, working conditions, work process, and perceptions of class among teachers (79), going to look at primary and secondary, private and public, did data gathering in 2007 (80)

• Chapter 6: condiciones de vida
• overall this chatper suggests that teachers are getting poorer, even when they come from middle class backgrounds (which most do), but can’t quite prove they are becoming proles (103)
•  chapter 7 working conditions
• a report from 2008 said that 65% (460) of the school buildings in CABA were deteriating, 50 of which were totally ununsable (105)
• 52% were older than 50 yrs (106)
• the poorest neighborhoods tend to have the wrost schools (106
• there is a syndrome or burnout that has affected teachers and been noted by pyschiatrists (107-8)
• tables on precarity 128, 125
• 141-143: teachers are in more precarious work relationships becaues they are being proletarianized
• public school teachers earn less than other public sector workers of similar qualifications, and private school teachers earn even less than that (147-148)
• labor process, chapter 8
• teachers haven’t lost the skills of teaching, their jobs haven’t been deskilled, but they have experiecned a sort of “ideological proletarianization”, where they have lost control o the politics behind what they teach, essentially they seem to be passing on the norms without being able to fight them (152-3
• issues facing teachers in teh classroom, including what to teach, what to do when students don’t care, etc (153-167
• perceptions of teachers of theri class location, chapter 9
• most teachers 59.6% think they are part of middle class, but only 46% think teachrs in general are in middle class...for working class it is 12 and 14% resectively (181)
• 2004 study found 63% thought they were in middle class, but 28% thought working class (182)
• many teachers think strikes are fine to use (186) and about 33% said they would g out with a spontaneous strike, while 11% they wouldn’t and the rest had no opinion (185)
• 58% of teachers suggested that teachers were like “salaried workers”, and thus close to the working class if not exactly a part of it (195)
• sees tehe strike as an important symbol of teachers as working class as opposed to anything else
• history of teachers unions 197-204, with data on memebr #s on 200
• teachers at least seem to be moving closer to identifying with the working class, even if they see themselves as professionals/workers (206), it seems like teachers aren’t actually ebing robbed of their ideologies, but rather their ideologies are moving closer to those that favor the working class (207)
• conclusions
• 60% of teachers can be removed at will (210-211)
• it doesn't seem like teachers have lost control of their work process in a real, fundamental way, but they do have a lot fo expectations about student achievement and subjects taught that is at les enchroaching on these things (214-2158), meaning teachers aren't whollyautonomous
• teachers are being proleatrianized, though they aren't there fullly yet (234-238)

Perazza 2011b

• teachers laws from teh 1950s set up lots of rights/features, icnluding stability in employment, skills training, and good benefits (29)
• ley 13047 states that government would make sure private teachers were paid as much as public school teachers (unclear if this is still in effect) (29)
• the decentralization demanded that the provinces set up their own education systems, and to do so they had to deal with the expectations set up by the laws from the 1950s (30)
• but they also had to do so in the context of a fiscal crisis, so they had to make cuts
• Argentina is an interesting case, as improving teachers careers and working conditions doesn't need to be accompanied by a change in law necessarily (31)
• these norms mean that innovations will basically always result in conflict, so the key is figuring out how to create policies that will allow for innovation but also make it match a norm so that teachers will actually implement it (32)
• three issues to show this
• first, evaluation of teachers
• would be nice to have best practices
• but these things tend to be ignored just to avoid conflict with teachers
• second, teacher capacity
• there is a sort of race to get credentials, but these institutions vary in quality a great deal (33)
• need to have more structured demands of what constitutes improvement in qualifications
• make sure raises are transparent (33)
• when rules are made up but aren't fully explained, these become obstacle to implementation adn measurement (34)
• the state just needs to take a more active role in the education system, set up and define the norms of the industry better! (34)

England 2005

England, P. (2005). "Emerging Theories of Care Work." Annual Review of Sociology, 31, 381-399.

• this article reviews different theories of care work. 
• Gender bias and teh devaluation of care work
• care work is paid poorly because women do it, and women are looked down upon (explicitly or implicitly) in societal norms (382-383)
• the correlation between women being low paid and care work being low paid is seen as an important correlation, though causation is hard to come by (383)
• this can apply to race as well (384-5)
• Care work as a public good
• the idea here is that care work produces public goods, which are by definition udnervalued by the market (385)
• education, e.g., can create more productive workers or people who function within societal rules better, which is a public good (385)
• but it is hard to find direct evidence of this line of theory, since it presumes mistakes in the market which can't really be proven without relying on outside, unprovable reasons (386)
• prisoners of love (389-391)
• if a job has intrinsic benefits, people willaccept less money for doing it (389-90)
• "This perspective suggests an equity problem of taking advantage of altruistic motives.) (390)
• The commodification of emotion: see Hothschild, alienation from one's own emotions (391-2)
• Rejecting the dichotomy between love and money
• other theories implicitly assumes a dichotomy based on gender (women = love and care, men = money) (393)
• this one suggests profit-making or waged labor doesn't necessarily "contaminate" care work/love (393)

Varela 2013

Varela, P. (2013). Los sindicatos en la Argentina kirchnerista. Entre la herencia de los’ 90 y la emergencia de un nuevo sindicalismo de base. Revista Archivos de Historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda, (2), 77-100.

• Introduction
• lots of scholars are suggesting growth of unions in the 2000s is the result of state-driven change in industrial relations (77)
• one problem with this is it overemphasizes the large, national, institutional scale, and ignores the very important role of conflicts and unions at the firm leve: internal commissions and bodies of delegados (77)
• secodn proble, it overemphasizes the polarization between the "new" unionism and the "old" unionism, when in fact these groups lots of similarities and have some ruptures
• the article has three hypotheses for debate:
• the strong recomposition of working class as a social and union thing after 2003 are thanks to the continuing of the exploitation begun in the 1990s (78)
• it is on this contradiction, strong unionism without change in exploitation, that has been teh foundation for strong unionism from the base
• the presents of younger workers and strong Trotskyite influences are altering unionism of the base in important ways
• Contradictions of a return
• the relegitimation of colecltive bargaining and negotiation at the high level has made workers realize how bad their conditions still are, and helped explain why Cristina had an anti-union turn after 2011 (78-9)
• between 2002 and 2004 there were a number of increases in minimum wages, negotiated directly between labor leaders and capital, though started by and arbitrated by the Néstor, these were mainly attempts to soothe people and get them money they lost during devaluations (79)
• 2004 was the real start of re-legit of unions, esp CGT and Hugo Moyano
• this happened due to economic growth, combined with growing union conflict due to the emergence of unionism of the base (80)
• this was new because there were lots of surprise conflicts started and led by delegados and leaders within the base openly against the higher up leadership of the union
• this article suggests that Moyano was helped, becamea  strategic ally of the Ks because unions of the base were already getting strong, and government wanted a way to channel that momentum, not the other way around (81-2)
• until 2011 the formula was crate peer groups and set wage ceilings (82-3)
• this sort of got disrupted in 2007 when the government started messing with statistics to cover up inflation (83)
• AND when unions outside of Moyano's circle started being repressed
• 2009 brought Cristina needing help of Moyano against Ag strike, financial crisis which made inflation go down, and strong conflict of the base at Kraft foods (84)
• this resulted in government not setting a limit on salary negotiations
• Kraft workers continued to fight, and a union thug from the Union Ferrovaria killed a militant from teh Partido Orbrero, whcih revealed the violence used by traditional unions (85)
• After 2011 Cristina began pushing back on unions, undoing some of the thigns that had made unions adn important political representation post-2003
• number of collective contracts went down in 2011
• suggests this happens because of inflation issues, and...
• break between CK and Moyano
• whie there was GDP growth in 2011, it shrank in 2012 (86)
• 2011 elections didn't have a lot of union candidates, but did have a lot of territorial candidates, which was teh start of the rupture between CK and Moyano
• in 2012 this caused a rupture among the major union confederations, ended up with 3 opositoras and 2 oficialistas
• in 2013, docentes demanded a 30% wage increase, and the Ministry of Trabajo arbitrarily closed discussions and just said they woudl get 22%
• since 2003 the growth of union strngth has run into the fact that labor precarity and fragmentation, both begun in 1990s, continues to happen (87)
• Ks made unions stronger at the top, but didn't roll back the gains won by capital during the 1990s
• all fo this came to a head when the economy started having trouble...before then wages could just be increased and keep people relatively happy without rolling back management power
• this is felt most often at the workplace, so conflicts happen at the workplaces more often (88)
• informality and work precarity continues during the 200s (88-89) with DATA
• because collective contracts DON'T talk about flexibilization liek they did in teh 1990s, it is fair to assuem that flexibilization continues (ie CCT shudl have rolled it back!) (90)
• lower unionization rate has more to do with the fact that unions are really engaging with their base (90-1)
• Younger workers aren't necessarily leftist, don't really have a lot of political connections
• but they grew up during the time of the resurgence of lefty groups into social and class struggles (92-3)
• but CTA has statsistics that note thigns like, in 2007, 14% of labor conflicts were undertaken without the presence of unions (93)
• leftist people, members of PTS and others, began winning elections to be delegados (94)
• conclusions
• the basic contradiction of the Ks is the increased power of uniosn whiels working conditions and exploitation remained exactly the same/unchanged (95)
• possible to see some sindicalismo de base as a possibility of unionism outside of Peronism (96)
• the question for the new generation is how to expand unions to include other groups, precariosu workers, desocupados, and how to inegrate lefties into the movement/create a new movement? (96)

Gentili, Suárez, Stubrin, and Gindín 2004

• Introduction
• teachers have gone on strikes a lot in LA recently, as have university students (1252)
• these fights and negotiations happened in places where the economy was in crisis, the education sector wasn't in great shape, and many went through processes of reform to improve education system (1253)
• authors suggest that the conflict over education system is about the fact that many of the reforms were very ambitious and didn't take into account economic crises that came or traditions of the sector
•  these authors want to create an integrated theory about teacher protest, not just assume it's all about salary (1253-4)
• it seems cyclical (1254)
• it's hard to divorce it from larger economic crises that occurred
• but a big part of the problem is that tensions would arise with any reform, but in this case most of the reforms didn't include teachers at all, which provoked greater protest (1256-7)
• the lack of democratic discussion about education reform was a common issue throughout the region (1257)
• Education conflict: creating a definition is theoretically ambitious
• thinking about education conflict as a place for active adn dynamic contestation that creates the agents and strategies of the agents....that is to say, it's not a place of pure reaction due to sructural factors (1258)
• obviously this also means that interests will conflict and will be complex, even within what one might imagine would be a similar group....it's economic and poltiical but also has to do with cultural and psychology of a person/group
• aha....1257-1260 is sort of relating the various theories of social conflict, transplanting them to education a bit, and then saying the authors are going to look across LA to see which themes come up most often (1260)
• 1998-2003: a chronology of union action around education reforms in LA
• education reform processes have generated a lot of conflict in LA, pretty much across the board, though reactions to this conflict have differed (1261)
• 863 conflicts during this time, 40% of which were started by base-level unions (1262)
• during this time 54% of the conflicts were aimed at teh central government, while 31% were at provincial governments (the latter usually from decentralized education systems
• none were exclusively against private schools!
• private school unions tend to be less combatitive
• when they are combative, it's usually as part of larger confederations that are dominated (in numbers) by public school teachers (1263)
• private-school battles are usually very small and circumscribed
• most often working conditions and salary are basically set by the state anyway, so it makes more sense to go after government, and to do so you need lots of help, not just private sector (1263)
• Argentina had the most conflict, with 1491 days lost in this time period (1264)
• data! (1265)
• the reforms were not undertaken in a democratic way, which resulted in higher levels of conflict, though all the governments who undertook these reforms were certainly democratically elected (for the most part) (1266)
• of the actiosn taken
• 79% had labor demands
• 28% were based on larger demands of education politics, like those against decentralization
• 12% were against teh political system en total
• usually salary demands were linked to larger, more theoretical demands
• teachers strikes have a very high level of adhesion in teh region (1266-7)
• unions led practically all the manifestations, and a lot of them included wage/pay demands (1268)
• Conclusions
• much of the traditions and norms of education and education politics were greatly changed by the reforms across LA, and they did so with very little consultation with the teachers (1269)
• this resulted in a lot of conflcit aroudn education, which tended to become the center of even larger social conflcits (1270)
• 
  

Martins 2013

Martins, Nicolás Horacio. "POLÍTICAS EDUCATIVAS ARGENTINAS DESDE 2003: BUENAS INTENCIONES, IMPLEMENTACIÓN DEFICIENTE." Atlante: Cuadernos de Educacion y Desarollo, 2e epoca, http://atlante.eumed.net/2013/01/ wesbite not a journal

• Question: why didn't the education system in Argentina get better after 2003?
• Argument: though all the reforms were well-intended, some of the reforms were just symbolic while others didn't have enough institutional capactiy to enforce (2)
• reforms (2):
• 2004: miminum number of class days plus better pay for teaches
• 2005: techincial schools were improved and got better funding
• 2006: school funding slowly went from 4% of GDP to 6% by 2010
• # of years of obligatory school went from 10 to 13
• and set up 30% of schools to focus just on improving eduational outcomes of the poorest classes
• but with all of these refrosm adn more spending, education outcomes still not great
• between 2003 and 2012 private school population has grown 25% and public primary education population has dropped 5%
•  some of the new ideas just aren't surrounded by the other sorts of policies they need to work...like the # of days in school, without quality teachers and other things, isn't really helpful...no proof that these policies are designed to work, much less will work (3)
• yearly the national government will negotiate the minimum salary for teachers, but only provide 9% of the mone to pay teacher salaries (citing IDESA 2011) (5) may be a logical fallacy here, they pay up to the minimum, but which is 9% of salary maybe?
• 75% of teacher salary is NOT based on meritocracy (5) (citing LLach 2013)
• the high level of conflict between local officials and the unions has also hurt implementation (5-6)
• conclusions:
• reforms don't have a sound theoretical abas, for example there's not proof throwing money at a problem will help (6)
• there has been a big divide between the goals of the reforms and the hierarchical actions of the various levels of government (6)
• he argues decentralization should be deepened, and real statistics should be kept on performance (6-7)

Donaire 2006

Donaire, Ricardo. 2006. "Trabajo docente:¿ servicio o fuerza de trabajo? Algunas reflexiones a partir de un ejercicio empírico." Educere 10.35: 561-660.

• this is a lot like a simplified version of the 2012 book
• is there evidence of teachers being in a "reduced" (less well paid) middle class, or descending to becoming part of the proletariat? (652)
• in 2001 there were more than 640,000 teachers (652)
• theory on what determines proletarianization, see 2012 (652-653)
• there seems to be a reserve labor force that could be teachers, that is to say, they have the minimum qualificacions or more, but its a hetergenous group, so its unclear if they are truly a reserve army of laborers for capitalists to use to replace teachers (654)
• lots of data from 2001

Narodowski, Moschetti and Silvina 2013

Narodowski, Mariano; Moschetti, Mauro y Alegre Silvina. “Radiografía de las huelgas docentes en la Argentina: Conflicto laboral y privatización de la

educación”. Documento de Trabajo [Área de Educación, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos Aires]: 2013: 1 - 18

• looking to see how and if teachers strikes actually affect the education system (3)
• have a count of strikes, don't have days lost for strike, but do have individuals' days lost for the cause of strikes (5)
• in comparison to other sectors, teachers strike a lot! (public and private put together are 37% of all strikes nationwide between 2006 and 2012
• and if you include non-teaching education workers it becomes 51%
• but there are LOTS of teachers as well, so that's boosting the numbers (6)
• Law 25.864 limits teacher strikes to 180 days per year, but obivously thisw law has been utterly ineffective, since teachers have gone on almost 3 million strike days per year between 2006-12 (7)
• lots of variation of strike days by province (8)
• shows that labor conflict with teachers is more of a provincial problem than a national one
• mroe often than not state teachers go on strike way more often than private sector teachers (8-9)
• there has been a growth in private school enrollment, not massive, but it seems bigger because, for the first time in history, it is causing a net loss in enrollments in public schools (citing another Narodowski)(10)
• at the national level, in broad terms, there doesn't seem to be a relationship between strike days and enrollments (grafico 4, 11)
• BUT ME: if you lag it a year, it might look closer...
• grafico 5 shows there isn't any obvious relationship between strike days and private school growth by province either (12)
• another model shows that the growth of number of total students, and funding levels have an effect of whether students go private or public, but strike days lost does NOT (14)
• Conclusions
• there is no edvidence that teacher strikes have an effect on students going to private schools instead of public ones (15)
• it could still be that families would prefer private school over public school due to teachers strikes, but the statistical evidence shows that if people hold this opinion they don't (or can't) act on it
• but public schools still have a bad institutional image as "closed schools"...need to fight this image (16)

Betancur 2008

Bentancur, Nicolás. 2008. "La nueva agenda de las políticas educativas en el Cono Sur (Argentina, Chile y Uruguay 2005-2008)." Revista Debates 2.2: 272-298.

• Introduction
• reforms of the 1990s tended to
• involve centralization of curriculum creation, but decentralization of administration (273)
• schemes of "positive discrimination" in favor of the poor
• introduction of business ideas into education
• expansion of the role of families and businesses in education
• Argentina: decentalization of secondary teachings and teacher training (273-4)
• Chile: introduction/perfection of market regulation of education (275)
• Uruguay: maintained the national state as central head of education
• recently all these countries have begun to talk/change these reforms again, thanks to left of center governmetns (274)
• Argentina
• 2006 law came out of Néstor having a big open discussion with large numbers of people in society (275)
•  2006 law rescinded parts of 1993 law, resulted in
• returning federal state as the guarantor of access to and right of education (276)
• made secondary school obligatory, and created systemwhere provinces can choose to do 6 years each of primary and secodnary, ot 7 and 5 (respectively)
• created a Consejo Federal de Educacion, with consultative councils that include teachers (276-7)
• this reform didn't roll back decentalization totally (277)
• nor did it end the financing of private education
• CTERA like this reform, law included a lot of things that CTERA suggested should be in there, and it got a lot of things it has watned for a while, like (278)
• declaration that education is a right and should be free
• growth of financing of schools to 6% GDP (PBI)
• the right to free teacher training
• the right of colelctive negotiation at the provincial AND national level
• Catholic schools were also a fan of the bill (279), more or less
• Chile
• student protests in 2005 demanded free schooling and transportation to school (280)
• teachers eventually joined protests and there was a national strike
• there was a council to solve these issues, that woudl include students, but at first it was stalled because students became a bit radicalized, and strike grew as more social groups joined the students' cause (280-1)
• once the council finally got together, including social groups, parties, and student representatives, it became clear that everyoen was unhappy, but great divergence in ideas on how to fix the system...some wanted more martket, some wanted less (281)
• Colegio de Profesores, union, was with the students (282) they wanted more centralization, better pay, shorter hours
• on the other end of the spectrum, private schools wanted fewer laws, more flexibility
• teachers groups did make some deamdns on private schools, not that thy be nationalized, but at least that they would be regulated more closely, including their entrance requirements (284)
• government in Chile did not try to replace the private system set up by Pinochet and perfected in the 1990s, but it dis try to smooth out some of the issues with it, make it a bit more equitable (286-287)
• Uruguay
• new law in teh 1990s didn't change tehcentalized, hierarchical nature of education, but was undertaken without any input from social groups, and the unions were against it, so a new law in the 2000s with the new left government was likely (287-8)
• the government convened a large Congress to figure out the new education law, parties were not allowed to be involved, only social actors, though unions were allowed and they tended to hav ea large say in the matter (288-290)
• new law reaffirmed much of old law, and said that funding could not go below 6% GDP (292)
• created autonomy and co-governance of schools by parents, teachers, students, and administrators (293)
• Conclusion: is there a new paradigm of education politics in teh Southern Cone?
• none of these reofrms were massive changes, refoundations (294)
• non of the reforms really chagne public/private relationship in their country (295)
• all reformers seem preoccupied with making the porcess inclusive of social actors
• teachers and students growing in power, technocrats and private sector losing power
• see tables on page 296 for some quick conclusions

Dussel, Tiramonti, and Birgin 2000

Dussel, Ines, Guillermina Tiramonti, and Alejandra Birgin. 2000. "Decentralization and recentralization in the Argentine educational reform." in Educational knowledge: Changing relationships between the state, civil society, and the educational community Thomas S Popkewitz, New York: State University of New York Press.

 

 

 

• looking at the reforms as a result of power relations (155) using spatial metaphors
•  "the official discourses on decentralization democratic statements are mainly articulated in terms of a populist philanthropism." (158)
• creation of the "needy" subject (159)
• the needy is no longer seen as one who should be represented (by collective groups, unions, etc), but should have a relationship directly with the state, social services, etc.
• this involves an important social reorganization, getting rid of these collective representation mechanisms
• Social Plan initially ranked the 10,000 schools in the nation, gave a ton of money to the lowest 1000
• families are expected to be a part of the bureaucratic control of the decentralized system (164)
• the needy and other programs remap the system where some students get more, liek Affirmative Actions, which is kind of OK theoretically, but changes the relations between people in schools and communities in important ways (162-3)...think of how some nutrition programs are given to poor students, while everyone else in the school doesn't get them (166)
• 
  

Tello 2013

Tello, César. 2013. "Las políticas docentes y la perspectiva sindical en Argentina, México y Chile: debates y negociaciones. Los casos de CTERA, SNTE y el Colegio de Profesores en los últimos veinte años." Educar em Revista, (48), 149-166.

• Introduction
• in the 1990s education systems started being changed to follow neoliberal ideas, but in the 200s some governments began putting the state back in charge of education (150-151)
• Chávez (2010) showed:
• continued neoliberalism: Mexico, Peru, Costa Rica, Colombia, and others (151)
• concertacion: Arg, Brazil, Guatemal, Uruguay, Paraguay (152)
• rupture from neoliberal: Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela
• argument seems to be that the historical relationship between the unions and government in Mexico and Chile can help us understand what happened in those cases, but that in Argentina the more recent political scenario is explanatory (152)
• the debate: World Bank versus the unions
• teachers unions said reforms would make teaching worse, make salary go down, working conditions worse
• IFIs thought teachers needed someone to hold them accountable, finally, like parents, pushed for school autonomy (154)
• specifics of each case
• Chile
• has had decentralized education since 1990, thanks to the military dictatorship (156)
• unions helped kick out Pinochet
• the Colegio de Profesores was traditionally a group that sought to limit conflict, negotiate, but started acting more like a real union when they got some ability to do so after Pinochet left in 1991 (156-157) 
• the union traded improved salaries for some accountability measures with Lagos, but then subsequently demanded Bachelet and Pinera change the education system (157-9)
• but suggests this is more about the awakening of the union and its demanding what it was promised at the start of democracy (159)
• Mexico
• SNTE is super powerful in education sector, thanks ot historic relations with the PRI (160)
• change in relations and mobilization with SNTE came when PAN in power, though union tried to make-up with PRI in 2012, article doesn't know about EEG getting arrested, but it sstill uncolear ot author if old allinace will be renewed or not (161)
• Argentina
• anti Menem hard in 1990s (162)
• Marcha and Carpa Blancha made thema national force (162)
• friends with Ks, for a while, thanks to laws that gave them tons of money and national negotiations, but when this started to break down they had more strikes (162)
• Conclusions:
• in Chile, union was against the dictatorship and onyl after 20 years of alliance with those parties decided to break from them (163)
• in Mexico union never conronts the government, except as an oligarchic group
• in Argentina union was agisnt the government but has now been friends with Ks and moderated between 2003 and 2011

Althusser 1972

• Lenin wrote that philosphy teachers are petty-bourgeois lapdogs of the capitalists, teaching their ideology (33), Althusser apologizes for this, suggesting that teachers are bad only when they are caught up in the system, and some have been able to escape it (68-69)
• the reproduction of labor poewr is done through, in addition to paying wages, the capitalist education system which has two important functions (131-132):
• teaching students the skills they need to literally do a certain job
• inculcating the norms and submission of their class position (132-3)
• "...the reproduction of labour power requires not only a reproduction of its skills, but also, at the same time, a reproduction of its submission to the rules of the established order, i.e. a reproduction of submission to the ruling ideology for the workers..." (132) and also teaching the exploiters how to exploit (133)
• ideological state apparatus: essentially the way the ruling ideology of the capitalist class is transferred to the rest of society...it contains in it the same contradictions that the class struggle has (149-150)
• during feudal times this was mainly the Church, although other organizations also played a part (151)
• educational stat apparatus became the most important one under the capitalist mode of production, replacing the Church (152)
• some may suggest stht forms of democracy and political compeittion are actually more important, but capitalism has existed under lots of different poiltical regimes, education is the one constnt between many of them (153)
• schools are the place where sills/knowledge are drummed into students wrapped in the ideology of the ruling (capitalist) class (155)
• many other organizations can do this drumming, even soccer teams, but none are obligatory like school is (156)
•  this works because the school is assumed to be a neutral realm, not one controlled by ideology (156)
• suggests some teachers can fight the system, but most siply don't even realize they are a cog in this machine (157)

Nardacchione 2012

• In Neuquen in 1997 protets against Menemismo came through alliances between piquteros and teachers (2)
• on the one hand they were unhappy with unepmloyment, etc
• on the other hand they were trying to defend public education
• this allowed the union to push against provincialization in a national way, create a political movement, and demand national support for public edcuation as a universal justice demand
• provincialization caused
• wages to go down (3)
• working conditions to get worse
• CTERA found itself unable to coordinate its demands to the national level, stuck in a fragmented opposition
• some governments started paying teachers under the table, meaning they did not contribute to obras sociales (4)
• CTERA had trouble of articulating provincial demands at the national level
• for example: SUTEBA would strike, but SADOP and FEB didn't help
• Provincial crises
• at first the provincialization of education caused a drop in militancy and strikes, but eventually problems at the province level made the edcuation adn fiscal crisis worse (5)
• fiscal crisis occurred in many provinces because the national government was an important source of money for the provinces (5)
• not only were education budgets low, but they were set up irrationally (6)
• this strong problem a the provincial level led to deepening and expanding labor protest at the provincial level
• soon the teachers in some provinces were striking more against general issues facing society as a whole, not just for specific issues in regard to their own salaries or working conditions (7)
• this general protest, combined with the fact that it was happenign in many different provinces and the fact that there was some violence result in the re-nationalization of the conflict in 1997 (7)
• when other unions didn't join SUTEBA protests, they found allies outside the union sector, and eventually with UCR and FREPASO (8)
• The nationalization and politicization of the conflict
• the first is a recentralization of the deabte, the second is a move away from technical questions to social/citizenship ones (8)
• the CTERA wanted to do a national strike in 1996, but was having trouble convincing its uniosn to follow, and to get the government to talk to them...the government eventually agreed to talk about these things... (10)
• but hte union in Nequen decided to go on strike anyway, it was a broad colaition against lowering salaries across public sector workers, and the closing of YPF...
• violence to clear roadblock, bystander killed by police (10)...
• in response to this violence, CTERA called  anational strike (80% adhesion) and quit negotiating with teh government (11)
• BIG strike with lots of help, carpa blanca, and after this the idea of nationalizing education demands became a reality (11)
• this also helped the politicization of the cause, as non-union groups joined the fight after this (11-12)
• national ministry wanted to focus the talks on techinical aspects of teaching, while CTERA changed the topic to political and social-economic role of teaching (12)
• CTERA starts doing a lot of social actions, whole eudcation question became way bigger than just a union issue (13)
• 
  

Chiappe 2012

Chiappe, María Mercedes. La conflictividad laboral entre los docentes públicos provinciales: 2006-2010. Diss. 2012.
this isn't the right cite. find the correct one.

• paper about docente labor conflict 2006-2009
• understand the growth and important of national strike in 2008, as well as the development of provincial strikes (295)
• how do salary demands affect other education budget demands
• political alignment between CTERA and the national government
• history
• conflict itn eh 1990s was mostly against reforms adn fiscal adjustments (296)
• in teh late 1990s CTERA moderated demands because they were a part of the government, but then the workers autoorganized their own protests (297)
• teachers demands were not linked to greater politicization post-2003, had already been doing stuff, by post 2003 were demanding work related things
• national state after 2003 began to retake its role as the head of education, even if the provinces were technically still in control of everything (298)
• theory: 298-300
• data
• most conflicts between 2006 and 2009 were strikes, second most common thing were mobilizations (300-1)
• teachers had lots of strikes, not the most of any public sector group, but had way more teachers involved than any other group (and even more after that if you include indiviudal days not worked around the strike among workers who technically weren't out on strike (301-2)
• salary demands are most common (303, 305)
• generic salary demands are also more common than specific demands (305)
• work conditions the most important non-wage demand
• state-level conflicts are more likely than in other industries, which makes sense (306)
• seems like private sector teacher demands are also at state level, which is a bit unusual int eh private sector in general
• see more conflicts with between government/ERs and a coalition of trade unions (307), because education workers are often in different unions (308)
• 5 unions
• CEA:no national confed
• UDA, AMET, SADOP (private): CGT
• CTERA: CTA
• the complex array of unions creates very different union/government relations in different provinces (311)
• CTERA doesn't have the top-down control that other national confederations have (312)
• 2010: big drop in strikes compared to 2009 (312-3)
• DIFFERENCES IN CONFLICT LEVEL by province see 314
•  doesn't seem to be any relation between improvements, level of salary and conlifct levels (216-317)
• CTERA found some common ground with Nestor adn Cristina, so the focus came to be extending federal law implementation at the provincial level (321)
• CTERA stopped doing so much striking, became actions done more by base unions at the provincial level
• when education went down to the provincial level, that meant that provincial governments had the power to determine pay, etc, but also the legality of strikes among the teachers (322)
• differeing levels of institutionalization of rules about these things, though its too early to tell if they are affecting conflict levels (323-326)
• after creation of the paritaria nacional seems like conflict is lessening, though  we can't say for sure quite yet (328), and no other factors seem to have an effect (328)
• this law says that the federal governmetn will pay teachers if the province can't afford the national minimum set
• CTERA might be moderating its provincial level conflicts to focus on this national tool
• thsi national law seems to be a strong tool for province level unions (329)
• Conclusion
• CTERA and government seem to been in alliance, thats to Partiaria Nacional, and that this probably has had the effect of limiting conflict (330)
• 
  

Bordonaro and Huirton 2006

Bordonaro, Nora Garro, and Ignacio Llamas Huitrón. "Los trabajadores urbanos de la educación en los sectores público y privado, 1996-2002." DE LA GARZA TOLEDO, Enrique; SALAS, Carlos (Comp.) La situación del trabajo en México (2006).

• about teacher sin Mexico, comparing public versus private
• public employment in schools is a political question, private schools are more of a market relation (293)
• data from a national survey
• public schools are still major education (294)
• teachers are only 2.7% of urban working population (296)
• teachers in private schools average younger at every level (300)
• supports idea that public school positions are more stable (300)
• except for primary level, number of hours per week is longer for public educators (302-3), and by 2002 average hours for all had dropped (303)
• teachers who work less than 35 hours per week: primary public way higher than primary private, but every other level priavte has more part-time workers than public (304)
• private teachers are WAY more likely to have temporary contracts (304)
• teachers in public schools make more money (306-7), and their salaries were more consistent, though the gap narrowed in many cases by 2002 (307)
• overall wages per hour have been pretty flat since 1995, but at least steady in real terms (306-307)
• number employed in private schools grew a large proportion between 1996 and 2002, but still a small overall part of education sector (308)
• 
  

Perazza 2011a

Perazza, Roxana. 2011a. Relaciones de consenso y cooperación. El caso argentino. Desafíos desde la política pública. El Cotidiano, Julio-Agosto, 121-126.

• since 2003 government-teacher union relations have been really important in decisions around education (121)
• Governments in Latin America need to improve and expand education systems (122)
•  state is retaking its role as important garantor of education rights of its citizens (122)
• the state has had many responses to teachers unions, sometimes it ignores them, somtimes it works with them
• one big reason why unions have been included in negotiations over education policy is because teachers unions have gotten into politics
• but education reforms also produce tensions in teh relationship between government adn unions
• teacher careers, training, and promotion has been a place where governments have attempted to confront teachers unions
• but despite this, it is important to note that some of the things that need reofrming would actually be good for teachers, like (123)
• less ridigity in what is taught
• new demands are being made of teachers, especially given the massive influx of students
• reforms could be made that respect labor rights and actually allow teachers to have access to professional improvement
• ANALYSIS: reforms aren't bad in themselves, but seem to be resisted by teachers unions because they can be double-edged
• the post dictatorship period in argentina until 2003 was all about cuts for teachers (123)
• marcha blanca in 1988 and and carpa blanca in 1997, fought Menem (123-124)
• in 2003 everthign changed, and the president made laws that made the teachers happy (124)
• now national and provincial governments get together and talk with teachers when there are problems
• BUT teacher protest and strikes continued in a few places, some provinces had to borrow money from teh central government to pay teacher salaries (124)
• but though Argentina has started to rely on consensus with teachers, many of the old problems of education still exist (124-125)
• yet strikes still occur... (125)
• and unions in governmetn face an intersting tadeoff that can rsult in radicalization of the base
•  also inequality complicates everything, and improved education policy isn't the answer, needs to be coupled with better economic and social policy (126
• governments should try to bild consensus with teacehrs unions and give restitution if some of their historical demands are not met (26)
• 
  

Gindin 2011

Gindin, Julián. 2011. "La Tradición Sindical y la Explicación de las Prácticas Sindicales: Conclusiones de una Comparición Internacional Sobre los Docentes delSecotr Publico." Revista Latinoamericano do Trbalho, año 16 no. 26, 119-143.

• Introduction
• comparing Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico throughout the length of the 20th century
• this article proses the idea of "teacher unionism of the base", which is defined by a gravitation of the unions to the union base (in teachers unions), labor demands as the axis of activity, and open collective conflict with the government (120)
• this article presents how the union tradition can explain how a union works
• seven elements go into structural elements of the union (121)
• political relation with the state
• expansion and development of education system
• local work realities
• ideas of decent employment
• recruitment of teachers
• gender
• social image of the public school and teacher
• history of the union is also a key part of how/what a union does, as it often informs values and norms of the union
• its a little bit working class culture, a little bit union history
• two parts to the idea of "sindicalismo docente de base (122)
• union base includes leaders whose power is not taken by upper level leaders
• willingness to have open and strong conflict with, opposition to the government
• uses critical junctures to compare time periods that aren't actually the same across countries (123)
• notices three junctures:
• one, the existence of some sort of group that says it will represent workers (124)
• two, that group must become the representative of a large base of teachers
• three, consolidation of sindicalismo docente de la base, where the union is able to free or reorganize itself as independent from the state
• Critical junctures in teacher union history
• first, unions in Mex, Arg, Brz form as part of popular mobilization for democracy against the oligarchy (125)
• for Argentina this was the first radical government, Revolution in Mexico, and jsut before Estada Novo in Brazil (125-126)
• groups become solid as opposed to small, marginal
• these weren't necessarily unions, just teachers groups
• second, these groups became real unions, attached to a base
• either through state of mobilization of the teachers themselves (127-8)
• in Mexico it seemed like teachers were mobilizing themselves, but int he end the state was able to impose  union (128)
• in Argentina Peron started to organize through state, but coup meant that teachers ended up mobilizing themselves
• Brazil teachers mobilized themselves weakly and failed to consolidate in the face of government repression (128, 130)
• third, unions serve the base, can count on leaders in the base, are autonomous from government
• Mex: 1974-83, with CNTE emerging and the SNTE, for the first time, using its power within the SEP to not implement government changes (131-132)
• for Argentina and Brazil this happened in the 1980s with the return of democracy, both places unions willing to mobilize against the government (132)
• THE KEY IS A NETWORK OF LEADERS AMONG THE BASE
• Brazil uniosn join PT, but it becomes unclear if uniosn serve party or vice versa (133)
• SNTE plays politics, but its clear that union does so as a pragmatic way to gain power, since it doesn't succumb to too many political demands (133)
• national strikes are rare in Argentina, but happen at the state level depending on union history and political situation (133-4)
• conclusions
• union tradition is a mediating factor between teachers demands and union actions (134)
• union tradition is a legacy of critical junctures, and as such is also... (135)
• a mechanism of that explains path dependence (135)

Fischman 2007

Fischman, Gustavo E. 2007. "Persistence and ruptures: The feminization of teaching and teacher education in Argentina." Gender and Education 19.3: 353-368.

 

 

 

• Apostles and second mothers
• normal schools, when they were set up, were dominated by women, both as teachers and students (353-354)
• paradigmatic images of teachers were mothers and/or lay missionaries devoting their lives to the (social and religious) reproduction of students (354-356)
• teachers were seen as similar to middle class ousewives (355)
• this idea of teachers as second mothers and the dominant position of normal schools persisted until the military dictatorship in the 1960s (356)
• reform under the dictatorship actually raised training for teachers, made the normal schools on level with tertiary education, but reinforced the feminization of teaching (356-8)
• male experst produced lessons, women taught them, men were always higher administrators (357)
• but lack of university degree meant teachers were still seen as semi-professionals, not professionals (358)
• democracy again
• schools and teachers were supposed to play an important role in the refoundation of democracy, but economic crisis pushed education spending and reform to the back burner (359)
• 1988: seven small strikes eventually become one 47 day strike for better wages and conditions (359)
• but print opinion turned against them, and they lost hte strike
• enrollment in teacher education programs nationwide dropped, and CABA saw an approx 40% drop (Braslavsky and Birgin 1995)
•  of course, open enrollment in universities and massive drop in teachers' salaries also happened at same time...
• Menem signed law that demanded all teachers have a university degree (360)
• "Yet it is fair to say that the old representation of teachers as enlightened and heroic figures was replaced by depictions of educators as bureaucratic and mediocre (361)
• teachers salaries still low, normal schools start complaining theat there students are increasingly coming from the poorer segments of society (362)
• strike in May 1997, government and media suggest teachers are betraying their students by not working (362)
• images of teachers as a second mother were invoked, part of expectations of (some of ) the public
• conclusion
• women are in positions of leadership in the ministry of education, unions, and research centers (363)
• calls women in education a zone of "equality' because women make up such an important part of the system (363)
• motherhood is still a strong image in edcuation, but Madres de Plaza de Mayo and Evita at least make this a complicated identity, one that can be politically strong (364)
• composite image is a person who teaches and serves out of a sense of altruism (365)
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Kosack 2012

Kosack, Stephen. 2012. The Education of Nations : How the Political Organization of the Poor, Not Democracy, Led Governments to Invest In Mass Education. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

• Chapter 1:
• education is important for development, development without education leads to low-road economies (3)
• Argument: Government will choose to expand quality education based on two factors: (3-4)
• a tight but flexible skilled labor market, with little ability to attract skilled foreign workers
• government engagement in political entrepreneurship of the poor...that is, government subsidized collective action on the part of poor people
• looks at Ghana, Taiwan, Brazil to show theory
• (7-8) governments don't seem to invest in education based only on the needs of businesses...shows some poorer countries spend way more on tertiary education than they should
• most scholars think democratic regimes are more interested in educating citizens. This book suggests that overall and throughout recent history regime hasn't been as important a variable as others think (9-10)
• he suggests that it is less the regime type and more the existence of collective action demanding education that will result in education spending (11)
• the key is political entrepreneurship, where collective actions problems and costs are overcome (12-14)
• government needs the support of a "vital constituency", and political entrepreneurship will determine if the poor are part of this constituency or not (14-15)
• employer demands for labor (skilled, unskilled, trained by govt or not) also affect govt motivations for providing education (15-16)
• (17) 3x3 matrix of when government will provide mass education. short story: any time poor are part of the vital constituency (either as part of it or as all of it) AND when employers need workers in a flexible skilled labor market
• Chapter 2: the government's educational goals
• education is NOT a public good (24)
• education as "bad collateral" (Milton Friedman), and thus banks don't want to invest in individual's education (26)
• demands of families
• the richer the family, the more they can afford education, the more they want government to subsidize TERTIARY/higher levels of education, and low enrollments overall (30-31)
• poor families are the opposite, they can't afford much of anything, so they want govt to spend lots of money on primary (and maybe every other level, too), high enrollments at every level (30-31)
• demands of employers:
• three types of demands for worker training:
• none: from biz that either doesn't need skilled workers or can import them (34)
• broad: biz needs skilled workers, can't import them, and wants a lot of them to lower wages of skilled workers (35)
• selective: biz needs skilled, can't import, and can't expect wages to be lowerd (thanks to unions or govt employment or sthg) (35)
• type of education system created depending on vital consituency:
• bottom up = more spending on primary, when VC is only poor
• all levels = equal spending, when VC is cross-class
• top-down = more spending on tertiary, when VC is elites (45-48)
•  
• see also 69-71
• chapter 3
• lots of tools in the governments use, like fees, buildings, outsourcing, to point educational resources toward the vital consituency (49-60)
• but constraints like budget size, inherited school systems, and need to keep social peace affect how govts allocate schooling resources (61-67)
• chapters on Taiwan, Ghana, and then...
• Brazil!
• Vargas era
• cross class alliance, Vargas as the political entrepreneur for the poor, but not the VERY poor (228-230)
• Vargas and his direct successors created an All-Levels system, but enrollment was limited so basically only those in the vital constituency (workers, middle class) had access to education (about 42% enrollment rate, rural sectors had low enrollment) (235)
• middle class had the access, also had high quality teachers, making the eudcation system pretty nice, but tradeoff was that it didn't serve many people (236-7)
• some intra national differences during the dictatorship, state-level becomes important when federal level politics are sort of cut off (253-254)
• top-down education system built between 1964 and 1990 to serve the agricultural elites who were the vital consituency (254-267)
• education projects were also a great way to dole out jobs in a clientelistic style, meanign rural landowners used education spending more for the sake of remaining in power than for actual education...foreign education grants were essentially wasted funding these patronage networks (259-262)
• soem equalizing after return to democracy, post 1990, but system still retains many of the private school advantages, better track for elites, it just opened up primary schools to more people (278-287)
• analysis stops at 2000, so doesn't include PT's rise to power, not sure how that affects the edcuation system
• Conclusion:
• regime type does not predict improvements in mass education, at times democracies don't fund education and yet autocrats do (300)
• could be that pro-poor collective action is what spurs any sort of pro-poor policymaking, rather than relying on ideological feelings of the leaders or some sort of platform: if the poor take to the streets adn demand things, they are more likely to get them! (302-4)

Carnes 2014

• Theory (chapter 1)
• questions on differences between labor codes and stability of labor codes are interrelated (20)
• Argument(s)
• higher skill levels lead to, in the long term, more protective and generous laws governing individual employment relations
• greater organizational potential relates to, in the short to medium term, political action and better collective laws
• short term disruptions are fragile, likely forced by undemocratic governments or bait and switch
• overall, economic constraints (skills) are the foundation of laws, and political action (unions) can change them in the medium term (21)
• typology of labor regimes: variation in indivdual and collective law (27-29)
• Corporatist =individual high + collective high = mex and arg
• Encompassing = individual low + collective high = peru
• Professional - individual high + collective low = chi and uru
• Market = no regulation
• Labor policies that last and achieve consensus do so because their provisions are consonant with the prevailing economic order (32)
• "skill distributions are entrenched in local economic institutions, and as a result tend to be very slow to change." (33)
• relative ratio of high to low skill workers will affect labor law (35)
• lots of high skill workers = individual protections, job stability
• lots of low skill workers = high employment favored over protections
• strong labor movement improves hand of workers demanding labor legislation (36-40)
• earlier laws, political history, international institutions, and national political regimes also affect labor law promulgation (40-42)
• same typology as above, except repalce indiv protxns with "skill endowment" and collective protxns with "union/organizational strength" (42-44)
• also, even though regime may change, labor law may create feedback loop to constrain transformations in skill endowment, legislation: meaning corporatism begets groups that are good at corporatism, etc. (path dependence) (43-46)
• chapters 2 and 3 code, quant analyze labor codes...looks pretty cool.
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Murillo 1999

Murillo, M. V. (1999). Recovering political dynamics: Teachers' unions and the decentralization of education in argentina and mexico. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 41(1), 31-57. 

• this draws out some of the same ideas in her 2001 book, but looks at differences in education reform in Mexico and Argentina, noting the reforms occurred differently due to variation across partisan identities (of the unions), organizational fragmentation (in the unions) and leadership competition (both for union and government officials) (31)
• education reform became an important issues because education was seen as
• important to developing human capital, increasing social equity, and consolidating young democracies (33) see footnote 6 for some citations
• the public felt the edcuation systems were becoming inadequate to mee the countries' needs
• The suggestion made by many groups is that decentralized education is more responsive to local needs, and thus more efficient than hihgly centralized education systems (33-34)
• BUT unions can play an important role in enhancing or sabotaging reforms (34)
• Public sector unions:
• public sector militancy is often more visible to the general public, which would suffer from loss of delivery of public goods thanks to strikes (35)
• "Indeed, strikes often serve the dual purpose of demanding higher wages from the government and mobilizing public opinion to call for greater budget allocations for public services." (35)
• teaching is labor intensive, teachers are distributed across the country, and they can have a great affect on public opinion (36)
• a large proportion of education budgets is directed to salaries (36)
• decentralization reforms in Mexico and Argentina
• The SNTE suppressed it's opposition to decentralization and the government met some of its demands (38)
• CTERA kept unsuccessfully resisitng decentralization and was ignored by Menem (38)
• Stats:
• Law 1,420 of 1881 established free public edcuation and compulsory primary education for all Argentina (39)
• initially the federal government centralized education, by 1952 feds controlled 42.7% of primary, 64.8% of secondary, and 82.5% of vocational schools (Paglianetti 1991)
• military started to decentralize
• By 1987 the national jurisdiction had only 1.9 % of primary schools, 44.7% of secondary schools, and 37.8% vocational schools (40)
• 1991 law enacted in 1992, Law 24,049, transfered all the rest of the schools to provincial jurisdiction (40)
• history of teachers unions (42-43)
• CTERA was with CGT and PJ int eh 1980s, but broke with Menem in 1991 and formed CTA (42)
• CTERA has been strong at province level, but never really centralized enough to be strong national presence (43)
• reform
• most teachers unions rejected Menem's reform (44)
• feared financing would be hurt
• also concerned with declining real wages and wage dispersion once bargaining became decentralized
• teachers struck and demonstrated against reform
• government officials ignored militancy and demands (45)
•  decentralization DID enhance CTERA's position over other competing union confederations (45)
• CTERA joined UCR to form coalition, but meant they found few allies among the mostly PJ provincial governors who didn't want to ally with enemy party (46)
• also competition over teachers weakened all unions, meaning government had no desire to offer concessions (46)
• explaining the difference between SNTE and CTERA
• SNTE was PRI, and not fragmented, CTERA was opposition and fragmented (47-48)
• why not get allies where you can? not really a full explanation here
• conclusion:
• party loyalty can speeed reforms but hinder their effectiveness (see Murillo 2001) (49)
• when there is leadership competition, as there was for SNTE, government will make concessions to keep their leader in power
• CTERA had neither leadership competition (it seems) AND teachers unions were fragmented -- seems a bit weak here

Carlson 1987

Carlson, D. (1987). Teachers as political actors: From reproductive theory to the crisis of schooling. Harvard Educational Review, 57(3), 283-307.

• Article about critical theories of schooling
• In critical theory, most have seen teachers as witting or unwitting servants of the state, and thus capitalism (283)
• "...schooling must be heavily impositional...I mean that it must be imposed, in an authoritarin manner and against some resistance, upon students, whose schooling prepares them for the lower rungs of a high inequitable social and labor hierarchy..." (283)
• in this case school is not seen as a leveling instrument, but an instrument of reproductive labor, in that it produces workers and ingrains capitalistic social theory into students 
• BUT teachers are not unwitting, and their reproductive role makes their job much harder (284)
• thus they are bureaucratized and watched, to make sure they produce the right sort of product/student
•  efficiency thus heightens the contradictions experienced by teachers, who are caught between teaching knowledge and the demands of the state to produce worker bees
• Critical theories about schooling:
• de-schooling (285-287)
• liberate schools from the (capitalist) state, use vouchers! (286)
• but efficiency may be better for capital (287)
• structural functionalism and teaching
• middle classes, including teachers, help alienate workers (288)
• "Teachers supervise, discipline, and indoctrinate future workers in the service of capital. Structural-functionalists generally argue that because members of this class serve as agents of capitalists interests and do not directly add anything of value to what is produced by human labor, their work cannot be considered 'productive.'"
• but under socialism this job would become productive because their are contributing socially beneficial skills and knowledge
• also the middle classes are proletarianized (289)
• new techonologies deskill labor (290)
• their labor is intensified
• and finally they become eminently replaceable
• But teachers are not merely puppets of the state (291)
• any movement to reform schools, really, bmust begin with the "...recognition that the state, and state schools, are strongly, in not directly, determined by the reproductive needs of capital..." (291)
• Proletarianization suggests that workers increasingly identify with the political interests of the working class (292)
• teachers can make their own culture through everyday practices (293)
• and they can resist and capitulate to pressurs in paradoxical ways, not deterministic ones (293)
• history of teahers' unions in USA (295-304)
• Conclusions
• if teachers have to do the dirty work of clas formation, then their roles must be carefully circumscribed (304)
• reproductive work demands a great deal of top-down control (306)

Gindin 2008

Gindin, J. 2008, "Sindicalismo docente en México, Brasil y Argentina: una hipótesis explicativa de su estructuración diferenciada", Revista mexicana de investigación educativa, Abril-junio 2008 volume 13 number 37, p 351-375.

• Argument: the fundamental variable that explains the difference between the cases in Brazil/Argentina and Mexico is the relationship with the sate established at the period of consolidation of labor relations systems (353)
• Argentina
• CTERA created in 1973 (367)
• generally CTERA has been pretty fragmented and weak
• in 1987 there was a split in the CTERA, half were under a UCR leader and half under a PJ leader
• but the PJ half essentially dissolved after it started and lost a big national strike in 1988 (367-8)
• CTERA helped create CTA (368) and bolstered its own power by allowing for leadership at every level to be elected directly, making them the most centralized of the teachers unions (369)
• White tent in 1997 against Menem (369)
• stayed up unti lthe UCR-led coalition won in decemeber 1999
• CTERA got close to NK after his election, but this closeness allowed the teachers to be a sort of internal opposition and still be militant (370)
• the differenc ein that the SNTE was a mediator between teh government and teachers, while in ARgentina and Brazil the government(s) didn't incorporate teachers into the coproate system, and simply ruled them directly when it wanted to. (370-371)
• the mobilization of the 1980s restructured Argentina and Brazil docente unions, while it didn't have this effect on teh SNTE (372)
• said another way, SNTE in Mexico was part of corporatism, and not in Arg and Brazil
• author suggest this starting point helps us understand current teachers' unions