Alexander, Robert J. 2003. A history of organized labor in Argentina. Westport, Conn: Praeger.
- Chapter 1 The Heroic Years of Argentine Organized Labor
- Describes 18th, 19th century of Argentine labor
- After the collapse of the European Revolutions in 1848, lots of political refugees came to Argentina
- The first labor organizations, mutual benefit societies, in Argentina (4-5)
- Early socialist, anarchist influence…lots of abortive, rise and fall of confederations in quick succession
- Foundation of socialist parties (9-10)
- Different parties among Italian, French, and Spanish language groups
- 1900-1910ish, labor confederations dominated by anarchist elements
- (12-14) lots of strike activity during this time
- Government takes first step in limiting unions, giving self the power to expel any foreign-born resident who commits a crime or threatens national security or disturbing public order (13-14)
- (18) syndicalists show up, oppose any sort of “bourgeois” political solution to social ills
- Sparked by celebrations of the 100 anniversary of argentine independence, GENERAL STRIKE
- Anarchist and socialist unions crushed alike
- Keeps unions down for a few years
- Chapter 2 1912ish to 1943 Revolution
- FORA able to reconvene soon after the 1910 strikes, but anarchist leaders of UGT mainly deported or sent to Tierra del Fuego
- (36) anarchism becomes harder to maintain as production facilities gets larger
- anarchists syndicalists since the latter will at least sign collective contracts
- (36-37) socialist party wins a few elections, starts to have minor role in government
- WWI a time of much organizing, though many unions defeated quickly thereafter (38-39)
- (40-41) RR and Maritime workers walkout, both sides agree to let government arbitrate, though FORA still technically anti-state (syndicalist). Arbitration favorable to workers
- January 1919, “semana tragica,” strike broken with violence, leads to general strike and later violence, suggestions of 50,000 workers arrested. Eventually President Irigoyen releases all prisoners, negotiates settlement
- (47) union confederations strong in BA, other municipalities, but most unions in the interior were autonomous, heterogeneous
- (47) socialists gained a lot of votes in mid 1920s, but had a major split in 1927 (48)
- (50) President Hipolito Irigoyen overthrown in 1930, military dictatorship ensues
- THIS pushes labor movement unity forward (BUT WHY?!)
- Confederación General del Trabajo de la Republica Argentina (CGT) is founded in September 1930
- Founded the same month as the coup
- Still internal fights between socialists and syndicalists
- 1930 “Revolution”
- Radical party had held government since 1916
- Before 1916, all governments had been controlled by large landowners
- 1930 coup led by government, landowners, and some others
- Conservatives stayed in power until revolution of 1943
- “infamous decade” saw
- much industrialization
- rise of Socialist party as main opposition
- Radicals weren’t competing in elections
- “Independent Socialist Party” had been part of coup, different from socialist party
- FORA declared illegal! Closed down
- General Urubiru (1930-32) and Justo (1932 -?) not pro-labor, but let CGT survive
- Vacillated between not liking labor and looking at it from a corporatist standpoint, lessen social conflict by getting government involved, but allowing unions to generally do their thing
- CGT doing OK, has ‘known but unspoken’ boundaries set by government, according to author (52-53)
- New split in 1935, syndicalists in CGT revive “USA” confederation, socialists get control of CGT
- RR unions strong in 1930s (likely a state-owned company? Check this!)
- Union Ferroviarria
- Everyone but engineers, firemen, engine wipers
- Led by socialists
- Some internal dissension with radicals and syndicalists
- When locals didn’t toe the line, national leaders displaced local elected leaders (55)
- Highly centralized union
- La Fraternidad
- Engineers, firemen, wipers
- No internal dissension in 1930s
- Also highly centralized
- Local level grievance committees
- Strikes had to be approved by national committee
- Both RR unions in CGT
- After 1932 Radical party starts competing in elections again, socialists lose out big time (61)
- Some socialist/communist/left political maneuverings in 1930s (60)
- 1942 split in CGT (65-66)
- Communists on one side, socialists on the other
- For the time being, CGT #1 and CGT #2 exist (no new confederation immediately post split)
- Find pages 73-84
- October 1945
- Perón was vice president, minister of labor, and minister of labor, and head of post-war council
- Military rose up to depose Perón (did so successfully)
- Fears that workers would lose benefits they had gained under Perón (85)
- CGT slow to react to deposing of Perón
- October 17, Some unions marched on capital to demand Perón’s reinstatement
- 300,000 workers, reported
- Military president did not mobilize military to break march
- President lets Perón create cabinet, speak to people
- Perón announces his resignation from military, creation of new cabinet
- 1946 elections!
- All other parties unified into Unión Democratica, nominated two Radicals as Prez, VP
- Perón other Prez candidate for three new parties, “Renovated” Radical Party, Partido Laborista (largest of the three) and the Independent Party
- Labor Party included unions as integral part of its party structure
- Attempted to build institutions, not just be dependent on Perón (87)
- Perón politicked for working classes, other candidates talked about “virtues of political democracy”
- Honest elections (87)
- Peron’s parties won 2/3 of chamber of deputies seats, all but 2 members of the Senate, and 55% of Presidential vote
- Noticeable Trends under Perón as President (see list on 87-88)
- Continually new labor legislation, improves workers’ rights
- Though draughts and mismanagement decreased benefits over time (87)
- Lots of political patronage to union leaders
- Evita oversaw regimentation of labor movement
- Regimentation of labor movement one of many signs of increasing authoritarian Perón
- Freedom of press destroyed
- Opposition parties hassled, at times terrorized
- Perón embarked on industrialization, gained favor of business
- Early socioeconomic policies
- Lots of new labor and social protections
- New Constitution in 1949
- Article 37 Includes Workers rights (no right to association!)
- Government sides with workers, who gain nice wage increases (89)
- Political Patronage for Unionists
- Labor Party, Renovated Radical Party, Independent Party merged into
- 1946: Partido Unico de la Revolucion Nacional
- 1947: Partido Peronista
- Some labor leaders resisted, kept alive a rump Labor Party
- Unionists get lots of jobs (90) – superficial statement
- Role of Evita
- Became contact person between workers and Perón
- Spent a lot of time with workers, talking with them, etc. etc. (90-91)
- Viciously purged any union leader who seemed disloyal to Perón (90)
- Evita started a charitable organization, housing projects, etc., which were often funneled to workers
- Heard about discontent at ground level, could tell her husband (92)
- Regimentation of the Labor Movement
- Anti-peronist unions quashed
- Government fabricated internal conflicts as an excuse to replace dissident union leaders (92-93)
- Communist unions dissolved (92)
- Used police power to breakup unions, withhold personaria gremial (93-94)
- Government broke maritime union in 1950 (94), hired foreign strikebreakers, set up new union to replace it
- 1946-47 CGT reorganized, goes through 2 different heads who “displease” Perón and/or Evita (95)
- CGT becomes more centralized, large national unions lose autonomy under CGT (96)
- Union autonomy cracked down under Perón
- Packinghouse workers still relatively autonomous
- But government took over union in 1950, CGT “intervened” and propped up new union heads, even though Packinghouse workers had never been part of CGT
- Sugar workers strike, are intervened by CGT
- RR strikes in 1950-51 (Union Ferroviarria)
- Two strikes, two agreements, government fail to follow both
- Workers strike even as national leaders stick with government
- Perón uses law of “emergency in the case of war” to order workers back to their jobs (98)
- On a side note, later La Fraternidad taken over by peronist “gangsters” (99) in order to get union to LF to support Perón reelection
- Perón continued to gather support of labor, even as he subordinated labor (100)
- Peronists controlled upper echelons of unions, but as went down hierarchy fewer peronists
- Socialists still have important influence over some shops, local unions (101)
- But of course, all contracts and many grievances handled by labor ministry, so it’s important to have a Peronist involved! (101)
- Social benefits also created a lot of pro-Perón feeling (102)
- Labor and the crisis of the Perón regime
- Inflation gaining steam
- Bad crops means Argentina has to import grain, restrictions placed on grain and wheat consumption
- Perón starts demanding productivity improvements
- Evita dies, Perón starts to lose popularity (102-103)
- loses close contact with labor movement
- Perón has scandals with underage women
- Perón picks on Catholic Church
- Perón loses identity as nationalist, invites Standard Oil in (103-104)
- Chapter 4: Organized Labor and the “Revolucion Libertadora”
- Two armed revolts in 1955
- June 1955, military, defeated
- September 1955, military again, forces Perón out (111)
- Peronist party illegal now, doesn’t compete in elections in 1957 (constitutional convention), 1958, 1963
- Political parties split (among themselves and internally) about whether to persecute or welcome peronists into their ranks (112)
- In 1966 elected government overthrown in fear that next year’s election would see Peronist victory (112)
- 1969 “Cordobazo” (113)
- peronist and Trotskyite guerilla movements
- causes ouster of military president for another military president in 1970
- 1973 Hector Campora, Peronist, elected president
- ARGUMENT OF THE CHAPTER: from 1955 – 1958 government economic policies hurt labor, government persecuted labor, allowed Peronists to regain control of movement
- Top leaders of CGT unwilling to call general strike after Perón’s fall (113)
- Government forces all unions to have elections quickly after coming to power, in hopes that peronists will be booted out (115)
- Anti-peronist union elements had physically seized control of many union HQs, though new Prez didn’t like this
- Union statutes in favor of Peron stripped out of union constitutions by the government (116-117)
- But the relationship between the CGT and government quickly soured, CGT fights back against government involvement, president deposed
- Rank and file began to disobey orders of CGT leaders (117-118)
- New president Arambaru initiates unpopular labor legislation, tried to suppress Peronist influence, actually ended up making Peronists more popular in labor movement! (119)
- General strike met by repression of CGT (120-121)
- Arambaru puts military officers into leadership of individual unions! (121)
- Successive governments tried to bolster anti-peronist cause, but under Arambaru the economic policies were so anti-worker that anyone who collaborated (e.g. the Socialists) seemed to be sellouts (125)
- Successes and (mostly) failures of anti-peronists regaining control of unions (126-133)
- Labor ministry under Arambaru understaffed, meant unions tried to go around Ministry (134-135)
- Labor Ministry under Arambaru exceedingly anti-strike (135)
- Peronists persecuted under Arambaru (137-138)
- Underground organizing of peronists very successful (139-140)
- Starting in 1956, government slowly began returning control of unions back to unionists (141)
- Attempt to re-found CGT results in split between peronists, communists, and anti-both (141)
- “62 Organizations” = Peronist
- “32 Democratic Organizations” = anti-communist, anti-peronist
- Chapter 5: Organized Labor from Frondizi through Lanusse
- Arturo Frondizi (Radical) was elected with the support of Perón and his followers (in 1958) (147)
- Frondizi government suffered from a weakened economy (147)
- Agriculture had been undermined by Perón
- Industrialization under Perón had some success, but lacked fuel supplies
- National fuel sources not well-developed
- Infrastructure degrading
- To battle economic weakness, Frondizi accepted IMF help (148)
- This meant freeing price controls
- Decreased government spending
- Closing substantial part of railway system
- All of this was bad for workers
- Frondizi initially undid all decrees from military regime re: controlling labor movement (149)
- Emergency economic stabilization plan in 1958
- decreased workers real wages (149)
- created a recession
- cut government deficit by extending government employees’ worker hours
- in response, workers strike! (149-150) ALL OF WHICH FAILED THANKS TO EMPLOYERS
- unions demoralized, weakened in CB, but still powerful politically (151)
- in 1962 elections the Unión Popular (neo-Peronist party) wins big
- Frondizi suspends election results, unconstitutional
- Military overthrows Frondizi “to protect the Constitution”
- New military government agrees to leave unions alone, in peace (153)
- CGT refounded in 1961 (153-154)
- 32 organizations had lost their hold on unions
- Communists had also lost unions they had previously controlled
- Independents join with peronists to revive CGT (154), delegates from both preside over early organization
- In 1963, Congress of CGT agrees to compromise:
- peronists stop “intervening” in unions not held by peronists
- independent unions allowed elected peronists to hold majority of offices in the CGT
- election in 1963, peronist party not allowed to compete
- afterward unions put into action “Plan de Lucha” (156-157)
- social:
- return personaria gremial to unions that had lost it
- full application of social security laws
- return jobs to workers blacklisted
- economic
- urgent solution to wage problem
- reduction of taxes
- price controls
- ending foreign influence in oil
- political
- “return constitution”
- Freedom of speech and press
- Defense of state owned sectors of economy
- Allow any party to compete
- Phase 1: meetings and demands to government (1963-1964)
- Goes pretty well
- Phase 2: general strikes (1964)
- Doesn’t produce expected concessions
- Phase 3: Protests nationwide
- NO REACTION FROM GOVERNMENT
- Government non-reaction actually serves to splinter CGT itself
- Independents think Plan de Lucha is leaning too Peronist (159)
- Independent unions split from CGT in 1964
- Plan de Lucha now becomes totally peronist
- Split in Peronist union leaders in 1966 (160-161)
- Elections to be held in 1967 year, military ousted President in 1966 as it feared Peronists were going to win elections (162)
- New military government essentially outlaws ALL political activity and union organizing, hoping labor movement would wither (162-163)
- Military president Onganía, not friendly to labor movement, tries to control CGT
- CGT remains autonomous, but splits a bunch of times between 1966 and 1969 (163)
- CORDOBAZO! Popular insurrection, put down by military, led to military overthrowing Onganía
- CGT in dire straits
- Important leader of CGT assassinated in 1969 (166), and
- Onganía government taking over CGT (167)
- New leader of CGT meets with Perón, becomes “his man” (168)
- The Nature of Argentine Unionism of the 1960s and 1970s
- Unions still highly centralized (168)
- Bargaining still pretty centralized, national (169)
- Unions have lots of money thanks to centralization
- National union administrations controlled internal elections (169)
- Some corruption, repression of rank and file, but also acquiescence (169)
- Rank and File Insurgency
- Autoworkers
- Revolt against military leaders and against national union leaders (170)
- But by 1972 CGT national leaders deposing local dissident leaders (171)
- 1973, Peronist president (in alliance with other parties) Héctor Cámpora elected
- Unionism from the Second to the Third Peronista regime
- Organized labor would find it hard to be part of ruling coalition after two decades in the opposition, especially given high inflation and economic crisis (175)
- Changes in Peronismo
- Students, who had previously been anti-Perón, were now in favor of Peronismo (175): YOUTH MOVEMENT BECOMES A POWERFUL ARM
- Guerilla movements
- Other factions of the left flocked to Perón
- But these leftists were generally middle class, not working class
- Union leaders feeling isolated in peronism by 1973 (176)
- Social pact to curb inflation, under Cámpora
- Included wage increases and price controls
- Agreement by CGT, government, and (small) business leaders: CGE
- But Perón quickly becomes disillusioned with his new leftist allies (177)
- In 1973, Cámpora resigns to allow Perón to return to power (178)
- Unions play major role in Perón’s campaign
- New law of Professional Organizations increases power of national union leaders, decreases power of Peron Youth (178)
- Allowed national leaders to remove local leaders
- One union per industry, no single firm unions
- Labor militancy on uptick, mostly around working conditions (speedups, etc.) (179)
- OPEC price increases, and government subsidies to businesses, weakens social pact (179)
- In 1974, new pact, but (180)
- Labor militancy wins unions wage increases outside of pact
- Employers respond by passing price increases to consumers, also breaking the pact
- Perón also deposes some leftist elected officials, definitive break with left
- Then Perón DIES in June, Isabel Perón takes over
- Fight for power in CGT, 62 Organizations takes over, tries to be autonomous from peronist movement (181)
- In July 1974 Europe stops imports of grain and meat from Argentina
- In response (fear), businesses start importing lots of stuff fearing the peso will be devalued (181)
- Balance of payments crisis looms (182)
- Social pact renegotiated, but upward move in wages gone within a month (182)
- Meanwhile Isabel purging radial union leaders
- By June 1975 there is open conflict between Isabel and labor movement (183)
- Isabel annuls all CB contracts, general strike, labor ministers fall, Isabel takes “leave of absence” from the presidency, returns in three months
- Inflation becomes STAGFLATION in 1975
- In spite of disagreements, union leaders close ranks behind Isabel in January 1976, but do nothing when she is deposed in March (184)
- “Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”
- Militarization of all facets of Argentine society (184)
- Dirty war aimed at guerillas, but also struck a lot of labor unionists (185)
- Trade union activity suspended (185)
- CGT outlawed
- Thousands of middle and rank and file level unionists kidnapped and assassinated
- Neoliberal program adopted
- Manufacturing, investment, and GDP all fell, as did wages (massively) (186)
- Even beef and grain industry hurt a lot
- Although grain exports rise to Soviet Union, as supposedly anti-communist military government engages in major trade agreements with USSR (186-187)
- Working class hammered, many fall into informal work, military official notes this is a good thing: weakens labor unions (187)
- Military government incurred massive debt on unnecessary projects, had no economic growth to show for it (188)
- Antilabor laws (188)
- CGT bank accounts frozen, union activity frozen
- Redundancy law allows government to dismiss 200,000 public employees
- Law of Social welfare takes away a lot of union-controlled social programs
- Law #22,105
- Dissolved CGT and forbade centralized union organizations
- Prohibited political action by unions
- Social welfare activities separated from unions
- Empowered government to intervene in internal affairs of unions
- National unions barred
- Terror campaign against unionists (189)
- November 1977 some strikes, beginning of labor movement resistance to military government
- Unions join together into Committee of 25 (all non-intervened unions, so pretty small ones) to resist government (192)
- Some labor leaders become part of government-created Comision Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), through which labor and government hoped to dialogue (193)
- General strike called by Comm. of 25 for April 1979 (194)
- Leaders all arrested before date
- Many workers still went out, despite fear of repression
- In 1980 Committee of 25 and a few dissident CNT unions revive CGT, despite standing ban against the group (195-196)
- Police raided HQ upon its reopening, guarded its HQ against being used
- CGT a shadow of its former self, both in power and money
- CGT calls for strike in July 1981
- Police arrest all the leaders
- Walkout still fairly successful
- 1982: protests in Plaza de Mayo (police fire on them)
- Invasion of the Malvinas, patriotic fervor did not quell labor protests
- During war CNT decides to claim it is the CGT (199)
- Two CGTs now, CNT = CGT Azopardo, formally recognized by government
- CGT Brasil = Committee of 25, not recognized
- In December 1982 CGT-A called for a general strike, government doesn’t try to repress
- Strike effective (200)
- CGT-B endorsed a massive march, CGT-A endorsed march but did not join
- Then in March 1983 CGT A calls another general strike, CGT B endorses
- Another effective strike
- Joint CGT strike in October 1983
- By end of 1983, most intervened unions returned to elected leaders (201)
- CGT enjoyed important support from Catholic Church and international labor movement (ICFTU, ORIT, as well as communist WFTU and Christian WCL for a time) during dictatorship
- Elections at the end of 1983, Raúl Alfonsín (Radical) wins
- Alfonsín has higher military leaders tried, convicted, but middle and lower leaders not tried due to resistance from military (203)
- Inflation was out of control (204)
- Initially attempted to resist IMF
- Then in 1985, Austral Plan
- Wage, price, exchange controls
- New currency: austral
- Initially worked, but a year later upward pressure on wages and prices (204)
- A major cause of Alfonsín’s failure to resist military and fix economy was opposition from labor, who were all peronists (anti-Radical)
- CGT reunifies in 1984
- Three currents, 62 organizations, “25 Faction”, and the 15 (205-206)
- First two with renovating part of peronist party, 15 with Radicals
- Labor law reverts to old peronist law
- Alfonsín tried to reform, blocked by peronists in the Senate (207)
- Labor movement was esceedingly militant 1983-1989 (207)
- 1989 Carlos Menem, PJ, elected
- Unionist overwhelming backed Menem(208-209)
- Comes into office with massive inflation (209)
- Neoliberal! Pulled state out of economy, sold of a bunch of firms (209-210)
- Law allowing temp employment passed
- Another split in CGT
- CGT Azopardo:
- more militant, confronts president
- demands more active government in economy (211)
- CGT San Martin:
- Perhaps more powerful, stayed closer to government
- Story clipped here!
- STOPS AT 1990
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