Cook and Bensusán 2003

Cook and Bensusan, “Political Transition and Labor Revitalization in Mexico”, p. 226-267

in Cornfield, Daniel B, and Holly J. McCammon. 2003. Labor Revitalization: Global Perspectives and New Initiatives. Amsterdam: JAI.

1. In Mexico, labor revitalization is to be understood in terms of
1. the creation of a political-institutional framework that allows for “real” trade union activity
2. the presence of labor groups able to take advantage of this framework
3. BASICALLY, expect revitalization = emergence of an independent and representative trade union movement operating under a fair labor law
2. For revitalization to occur:
1. instead of just simple alternation power need a pacted transition in which all political parties agree to reform political institutions
2. labor reform needs to be on this agenda, and not simply deregulation!
3. independent unions need tp have/build the capacity to take advantage
3. Labor was not active in the movement to remove the PRI, and especially not in favor of the PAN!
4. Need a pacted transition as a way to ‘refound’ the state, as countries coming out of military dictatorships have been able to do
5. Current institutions (labor law) favor official unions to the detriment of other unions
6. Economic transition (neoliberal) weakened unions and improved power of business, thus weakening chance to unions to be able to take advantage of transition
1. unions fare best when democracy comes before neoliberal turn
7. JCAs tripartite, but until recently union member was often member of official union, meaning independent unions totally lose out
1. tough to challenge organizing
2. law is ambiguous, giving boards a lot of power, in turn another way to give independent unions the run around
3. have the power to declare strikes and organizing illegal, dampening militancy across all unions, but especially independent ones
8. issue of protection contracts in the maquilas
1. there is no public registry for union contracts
9. exclusion clause, gives union some control over worker firing
10. As labor begins to lose its ability to control the votes of workers, it loses stature in the party
1. political liberalization makes it tough for unions to control its workers vote...there are actually other options, now!
2. also erodes the sectoral organization of PRI
11. in 1980s many sites that were strongholds of more militant independent unions were shut down in favor of greenfield sites without independent unions, weakening independent unions
1. official unions use these moves and growth of maquila sector to actually expand their membership rolls, though many new members likely had no idea they were organized!
12. Salinas dealt harshly with labor protest
1. keep resistance to economic changes low
2. also, labor’s inability to control votes meant that it could attack labor without fear of losing too many more votes.
1. punish labor by marginalizing them within the party, fewer electoral seats
13. FESEBES and new unionism (telefonistas and electricistas)
1. go along with employer goals
2. this made Salinas happy
3. but he was back to the CTM by 1994 because they were bigger, could promise more votes
14. Peso crisis and less authoritarian Zedillo creates political opportunity for independent unions
1. Foro Sindicalismo wants to be more proactive that CTM
2. May 1st movement wants to be more radical
3. Even some CT unions begin moving a bit, becoming a tad more democratic
4. “new labor culture” agreements
15. Some CT/Foro members found UNTin 1997
1. UNT became increasingly critical of distribution issues with neoliberalism, but never really challenged underlying system
2. UNT officially non-partisan
3. UNT unions have vast political differences, weakness!
16. Fox as candidate:
1. signed a document said he devoted himself to more democratic unions and changes in labor law
2. added important labor people to transition team
17. Fox as prez (1 year in)
1. filled Labor Ministry and cabinet with businessmen
2. Bunch of anti-union things occur early in Fox presidency (see page 250)
18. CTM resists changes to labor laws
1. employers don’t seem to mind current system, don’t want to change it
1. corporatist flexibility allows CTM to exist AND employers to initiate flexibilization of work and wages
19. UNT not pushing hard either
1. UNT has made some suggestions, supported PRd labor law proposal
2. BUT UNT has also moderated its demands on government, not been willing to confront government directly
1. this is especially the case for unions like telefonistas who tried to position themselves as cooperative but independent, and want to maintain good relationship with government
20. Conclusion: three factors limiting revitalization
1. alternation of power, not transition/refounding of state, political institutions
2. labor divided
1. CTM staying corporate
2. UNT trying to be a bit more independent, but even then limited by internal differences
3. neoliberal economic model has enhanced employer power and weakened unions
4. PESSIMISM!