Burgess, Katrina and Steven Levitsky. 2003. "Explaining Populist Party Adaptation in Latin America: Environmental and Organizational Determinants of Party Change in Argentina, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela." Comparative Political Studies. 36: 881-911.
- Introduction
- changes in trade and production altered the working class (882)
- fall of Soviet Union altered international political situation
- These changes compelled mass-populist parties to rethink their platforms and social coalitions
- populist parties changed their coalitions in very different ways across LAm
- two level framework:
- Parties incentives to adapt = economic + political conditions
- deep economic crisis and weak left alternatives created incentives to turn to neoliberalism
- Organizational capacity to adapt = fluidity of leadership hierarchies + autonomy of chief executive
- more fluid structures and stronger executive leads to great adaptive capacity (883)
- Four “cases: all four experienced similar economic pressures
- PJ in Argentina --> medium neoliberal --> stable electoral base
- PRI in Mexico --> high neoliberal --> losing ground-but-stable electoral base
- no neoliberal, electoral collapse:
- Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) en Peru
- Acción Democrática (AD) in Venezuela
- VARIATION CAUSED BY EXTERNAL INCENTIVES AND ABILITY TO ADAPT
- Explaining Populist Party Adaptation
- Mini-lit review
- informal workers are a much more tenuous support base for populist parties compared to old working class (Roberts 1998) (884)
- This article contextualizes previous approaches that relied only on leadership as cause of party adaptation (885)
- Environmental factors: Electoral and Economic Environment
- Electoral environment, two possible challenges
- center/center-right parties that attract middle class, leave populist parties with only working class constituents (885-886)
- further left parties may draw off support of the urban informal sector and poor (886)
- Economic environment, depends on depth of crisis
- extreme crises, like hyperinflation, mean that any means (read: neoliberal means) are worth it since cost of letting crisis continue outweighs cost of abandoning traditional statist program (887)
- moderate crisis, change less necessary
- Party Organization: Capacity to Adapt
- fluidity of party hierarchy
- more fluid, less bureaucratic, easier leadership change = better able to adapt (887-888)
- degree to which office-holding leaders are autonomous from parties
- essentially a measure of bureaucracy of intra-party relations (888)
- Applying the Framework
- lack of market reform was closely associated with electoral decline in 1980s/90s (889)
- PJ: Adaptation and Electoral Success: 1989 Menem neoliberal surprise, little intraparty resistance (890-891)
- PRI: Adaptation and Survival: really ramped up with Salinas (891), Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas defected, but generally no intraparty resistance (892)
- APRA: Failed Populism and Electoral Decline: 1985 Alan García stayed populist, Peru descends into hyperinflation, APRA collapses in 1990s
- AD: Blocked Reform and Electoral Decline:
- 1984 Jaime Lusinchi implemented tough austerity measures, but abandoned them once recovery came and relied heavily on oil revenue (893)
- Carlos Andrés Pérez 1989, “The Great TUrnaround” neoliberalism, blocked by AD itself (intraparty)
- Incentives to Adapt
- variables: inflation rate, GDP growth rate, balance of payments the year President was elected (894)
- PJ = high incentives to adapt (895)
- deep crisis from a heterodox administration (895)
- no threat from the left (895)
- story: Menem faced credibility gap with foreign investors, crisis started under UCR heterodox government, no threat from left, and PJ needed to better attract middle class anyway (896)
- PRI and AD = medium incentives: (895)
- moderate crisis (895)
- weak to mixed electoral incentives (895)
- PRI story: Mexico had a bit of a credibility gap, and faced threats from right (PAN) and left (PRD). (897) ME: Essentially, Mexico doesn’t quite fit this framework
- AD Story: Venezuela had two short-lived crises (898); reforms were started but increase in oil revenues and government spending usually fixed them (898); economic hardships usually seen by public as mismanagement and corruption, not failure of economic model (899); AD faced no electoral challenge, but one minor one came from the left, so added to disincentive (899)
- APRA = disincentives:
- moderate crisis inherited from ORTHOdox government (895)
- intense left wing competition (895)
- story: poor economic performance in the 1980s was associated with IMF-style austerity program under center-right government (897-898), Since 1950s APRA had shifted toward the right, and leftist military dictator meant that left made a lot of inroads, threatened APRA’s working class constituency (898)
- Capacity to Adapt (899)
- PJ is really fluid and flexible (see Levitsky 2003) (900),and executives have a lot of autonomy: “government controls the party” (901)
- PRI is relatively fluid, but not extremely fluid. Real cause is the chief executive’s massive autonomy from party (902)
- APRA is “strategically flexible” (read: it’s a populist party) but does not have a fluid party structure (903). Importantly: executive has a lot of autonomy, though APRA also has it’s own power autonomous from Prez
- AD: bureaucratic party with low leadership autonomy. started acting like an opposition party when Pérez initiated reforms (904)
Page 905
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Hi incentive to adapt
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Medium incentive
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low incentive
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High capacity to adapt
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PJ (adapted)
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PRI (adapted)
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Medium Capacity
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APRA (no adapt)
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Low capacity
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AD (no adapt)
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- Putting the Variables Together/Conclusion
- “In this context, Salinas’ decision to accelerate and deepen neoliberalism was rather bold” (905) Meaning: Mexico doesn’t fit our model very well
- “...the strategies of individual parties may have profound party systemic implications as well” (907)
- Systems in Argentina and Mexico stayed stable
- Systems in Peru and Venezuela collapsed
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