Tuesday, August 20, 2013

Levitsky and Murillo 2005b


"Building Castles in the Sand? The Politics of Institutional Weakness in Argentina" Levitsky and Murillo, 21-44

in Levitsky, Steven, and Maria Victoria Murillo. 2005. Argentine democracy: the politics of institutional weakness. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press.

  •  Central argument OF THE BOOK: the major cause of Argentina's under-performance was persistent and widespread institutional instability (21)
  • The Origins of Institutional Instability
    • between 1955 and 1972 Argentina politics were deadlocked (24)
    • one the one hand, allowing Peronist party to compete in elections woul certainly result in Personit victory, which was unacceptable to many elites
    • yet, on the other hand, keeping the Peronists out of elections was a major destabilizing influence
    • eventually military leadership had to allow Peron back into power (25), then another military regime
    • The brutality and dramatic failure of the military regime discredited the military in the eyes of the public (26)
      • gave rise to broad public support for liberal democracy (Catterberg 1990
      • and gave rise to a powerful human rights movement
    • change in office between Alfonsín and Menem was first time democratic change of hands, but even then Alfonsín resigned early because of economic crisis, and there was a lot of institutional fluidity
  • Argentina under Menem
    • Menem abandoned traditional Peronism, set off on neoliberalism (27)
      • among the fully democratic countries, Argentina carried out the most rapid and far-reaching reforms
      • among the countries with the deepest crisis and radical reform, Argentina was the most democratic
      • BUT many of the policy arrangements made by Menem proved to be economically unsustainable
      • AND Menem did little to strengthen political institutions, and in same cases he weakened them
    • The Politics of Radical Economic Reform: Why Menem was successful
      • Menem's ability to end hyperinflation increased public support for him/his policies (28)
      • The strength of the PJ helped Menem keep a solid electoral base
        • the PJ's hegemony in the popular sectors limited possibility of anti-reofrm appeals (29)
        • PJ's close ties to organized labor gave union leaders a stake in limiting opposition from working class
      • Menem gave side payments and policy concessions to losers (30)
        • unions protected pro-labor law
        • industrialists were giving help in competing for privatization contracts
        • governors wooed by putting off provincial budgetary adjustments
      • Encroachment on legistlative and judicial perogatives
        • lots of executive decrees
        • court-packing and impeachments
      • PROBLEMATIC LEGACIES (31)
        • convertability left governmetn without tools to rspond to economic shocks or erosion of competitiveness
        • public debt grew a lot
        • reforms generated large-scale social exclusion (and middle class shrunk
    • Democratic Institutions under Menem
      • Menem frequently circumvented legistlaive process using decrees (32-33)
      • M allowed little judicial independence (33)
      • executive accountability decreased, allowing corruption to increase
      • widespread perception of corruption and abuse eroded the credibility of Argentina's representative institutions (35)
    • Party system and Political representation in the 1990s
      • Alianza able to win on anti-corruption ticket (37)
      • mostly because middle and upper-middle classed had little faith in credibility of government
  • The Post-Menem Era
    • Alianza failed to clean up politics (37)
      • actually got caught up in its own curruption scandal, which it didn't handle very well (37-38)
    • Alianza did poorly in economic arena
      • inherited a recession *38)
      • convertibility left them without policy tools, and convertibility was too popular to be touched
    • in 1999 legislative vote 22% cast spoiled/blank votes
    • three Presidents in 2 weeks
      • third was Duhalde, who ended convertibility (39)
      • economic plunged into chaos
      • poliitcal system and parties pushed into crisis as well
        • FREPASO and UCR disintegrated (40)
    • 2003 elections:
      • military made no move to intervene
      • despite anger, no anti-establishment outsider received more than 2% of the vote (41)
      • PJ finished 1-2-3 in presidential vote, all other partis wiped out
        • PJ proved remarkably resilient
  • Kirchner 1
    • concentrated power in the executive (43)
    • but his initiatives were more transparent and oriented toward institutional integrity
    • rst of the story yet to be seen (chapter form 2005)....

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