"Building Castles in the Sand? The Politics of Institutional Weakness in Argentina" Levitsky and Murillo, 21-44
in Levitsky, Steven, and Maria Victoria Murillo. 2005. Argentine democracy: the politics of institutional weakness. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press.
- Central argument OF THE BOOK: the major cause of Argentina's under-performance was persistent and widespread institutional instability (21)
- The Origins of Institutional Instability
- between 1955 and 1972 Argentina politics were deadlocked (24)
- one the one hand, allowing Peronist party to compete in elections woul certainly result in Personit victory, which was unacceptable to many elites
- yet, on the other hand, keeping the Peronists out of elections was a major destabilizing influence
- eventually military leadership had to allow Peron back into power (25), then another military regime
- The brutality and dramatic failure of the military regime discredited the military in the eyes of the public (26)
- gave rise to broad public support for liberal democracy (Catterberg 1990
- and gave rise to a powerful human rights movement
- change in office between Alfonsín and Menem was first time democratic change of hands, but even then Alfonsín resigned early because of economic crisis, and there was a lot of institutional fluidity
- Argentina under Menem
- Menem abandoned traditional Peronism, set off on neoliberalism (27)
- among the fully democratic countries, Argentina carried out the most rapid and far-reaching reforms
- among the countries with the deepest crisis and radical reform, Argentina was the most democratic
- BUT many of the policy arrangements made by Menem proved to be economically unsustainable
- AND Menem did little to strengthen political institutions, and in same cases he weakened them
- The Politics of Radical Economic Reform: Why Menem was successful
- Menem's ability to end hyperinflation increased public support for him/his policies (28)
- The strength of the PJ helped Menem keep a solid electoral base
- the PJ's hegemony in the popular sectors limited possibility of anti-reofrm appeals (29)
- PJ's close ties to organized labor gave union leaders a stake in limiting opposition from working class
- Menem gave side payments and policy concessions to losers (30)
- unions protected pro-labor law
- industrialists were giving help in competing for privatization contracts
- governors wooed by putting off provincial budgetary adjustments
- Encroachment on legistlative and judicial perogatives
- lots of executive decrees
- court-packing and impeachments
- PROBLEMATIC LEGACIES (31)
- convertability left governmetn without tools to rspond to economic shocks or erosion of competitiveness
- public debt grew a lot
- reforms generated large-scale social exclusion (and middle class shrunk
- Democratic Institutions under Menem
- Menem frequently circumvented legistlaive process using decrees (32-33)
- M allowed little judicial independence (33)
- executive accountability decreased, allowing corruption to increase
- widespread perception of corruption and abuse eroded the credibility of Argentina's representative institutions (35)
- Party system and Political representation in the 1990s
- Alianza able to win on anti-corruption ticket (37)
- mostly because middle and upper-middle classed had little faith in credibility of government
- The Post-Menem Era
- Alianza failed to clean up politics (37)
- actually got caught up in its own curruption scandal, which it didn't handle very well (37-38)
- Alianza did poorly in economic arena
- inherited a recession *38)
- convertibility left them without policy tools, and convertibility was too popular to be touched
- in 1999 legislative vote 22% cast spoiled/blank votes
- three Presidents in 2 weeks
- third was Duhalde, who ended convertibility (39)
- economic plunged into chaos
- poliitcal system and parties pushed into crisis as well
- FREPASO and UCR disintegrated (40)
- 2003 elections:
- military made no move to intervene
- despite anger, no anti-establishment outsider received more than 2% of the vote (41)
- PJ finished 1-2-3 in presidential vote, all other partis wiped out
- PJ proved remarkably resilient
- Kirchner 1
- concentrated power in the executive (43)
- but his initiatives were more transparent and oriented toward institutional integrity
- rst of the story yet to be seen (chapter form 2005)....
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